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“Uyghurs for sale
‘Re-education’, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang
Vicky Xiuzhong Xu
with Danielle Cave, Dr James Leibold, Kelsey Munro, Nathan Ruser
Policy Brief Report No. 26/2020

About the authors
Vicky Xiuzhong Xu is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Danielle Cave is Deputy Director of the International Cyber Policy Centre.
Dr James Leibold is a non-resident Senior Fellow at the International Cyber Policy Centre. Kelsey Munro is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Nathan Ruser is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank researchers Daria Impiombato, Sarah O’Connor and Emily Weinstein. A special thanks to Stephanie Zhang who spent an enormous amount of time on this project. We would like to thank all peer reviewers including Darren Byler, labour specialists and anonymous reviewers. Finally, we would like to thank ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre Director Fergus Hanson for his support and guidance. The UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office provided ASPI with funding of £10,000, which was used towards this report.
What is ASPI?
The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non-partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally.
ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre
ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber and emerging technologies and their impact on broader strategic policy. The ICPC informs public debate and supports sound public policy by producing original empirical research, bringing together researchers with diverse expertise, often working together in teams. To develop capability in Australia and our region, the ICPC has a capacity building team that conducts workshops, training programs and large-scale exercises both in Australia and overseas for both the public and private sectors. The ICPC enriches the national debate on cyber and strategic policy by running an international visits program that brings leading experts to Australia.
Important disclaimer
This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in relation to the subject matter covered.
It is provided with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering any form of professional or other advice or services. No person should rely on the contents of this publication without first obtaining advice from a qualified professional.
ASPI
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First published 1 March 2020. The text on page 5 and in the appendix was updated on 3 March 2020 to reflect responses from some of the companies named in the report. The text on pages 5 and 24, Figure 17 on page 24, and the text on page 34 of the appendix were amended on 6 March to reflect responses from a company named in the report. The appendix on p39 was updated on 19 March to reflect a response from a company named in the report. The appendix on p31 was updated on 14 April to reflect a response from a company named in the report. The text in Figure 17 on page 24 and the appendix on pages 34, 36, and 39 was amended on 5 June to reflect a response from a company named in the report. The report was amended on 28 July 2020 to remove The North Face from the list of brands, given their association with the relevant factory had ceased before the evidence indicates the factory had received Uyghur workers on a transfer scheme. The text on p37 was amended on 13 August 2020 to reflect a response from a company named in the report. Endnotes from number 257 on pg 52 and pg53 are re-numbered. The report was amended on 24 August 2020 to reflect a statement by a company named in the report; and to correct a broken web link. The text on page 32 and 39 was amended on 21 September 2020 to reflect a statement by a company named in the report. The text on page 38 and 39 was amended on 30 September 2020 to reflect a statement by a company named in the report. Figure 17 on page 24 and text on pages 5, 27 and 34 were updated on 20 October 2020 reflect a response from a company named in the report. The text on pages 5, 27, 36 and 52 was updated on 19 November 2020 to correct a translation error in a subsidiary company name.
ISSN 2209-9689 (online), ISSN 2209-9670 (print). Cover illustration: Courtesy of Yip Wong.

Uyghurs for sale
‘Re-education’, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang
Vicky Xiuzhong Xu
with Danielle Cave, Dr James Leibold, Kelsey Munro, Nathan Ruser
Policy Brief Report No. 26/2020

Contents
What’s the problem? 03
What’s the solution? 03
Executive summary 04
Forced Uyghur labour 06
Case study 1: Uyghur workers making Nike sneakers in Qingdao 08
Rendering ‘Xinjiang Aid’ (援疆) 12
Xinjiang’s labour transfer program 14
Case study 2: From ‘re-education camps’ to forced labour assignments 18
Case study 3: ‘Re-educating’ Uyghur workers in Apple’s supply chain 21
Implications for the global supply chain 27
Recommendations 29
Appendix 31
Table 1: Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang 31 Table 2: Labour transfer schemes within Xinjiang under ‘Xinjiang Aid’ 38
Acronyms and abbreviations 40 Notes 41
02
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

What’s the problem?
The Chinese government has facilitated the mass transfer of Uyghur and other ethnic minority1 citizens from the far west region of Xinjiang to factories across the country. Under conditions that strongly suggest forced labour, Uyghurs are working in factories that are in the supply chains of at least 82 well-known global brands in the technology, clothing and automotive sectors, including Apple, BMW, Gap, Huawei, Nike, Samsung, Sony and Volkswagen.
This report estimates that more than 80,000 Uyghurs were transferred out of Xinjiang to work in factories across China between 2017 and 2019, and some of them were sent directly from detention
2
camps.
The estimated figure is conservative and the actual figure is likely to be far higher. In factories
3
ideological training outside working hours, are subject to constant surveillance, and are forbidden
far away from home, they typically live in segregated dormitories, 4
undergo organised Mandarin and Numerous sources, including government documents,
5
show that transferred workers are assigned minders and have limited freedom of movement.
from participating in religious observances.
China has attracted international condemnation for its network of extrajudicial ‘re-education camps’ in Xinjiang.7 This report exposes a new phase in China’s social re-engineering campaign targeting minority citizens, revealing new evidence that some factories across China are using forced Uyghur labour under a state-sponsored labour transfer scheme that is tainting the global supply chain.
What’s the solution?
The Chinese government should uphold the civic, cultural and labour rights enshrined in China’s Constitution and domestic laws, end its extrajudicial detention of Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities in Xinjiang, and ensure that all citizens can freely determine the terms of their own labour and mobility.
Companies using forced Uyghur labour in their supply chains could find themselves in breach of laws which prohibit the importation of goods made with forced labour or mandate disclosure of
8
independent social audits and inspections. It is vital that through this process, affected workers are not exposed to any further harm, including involuntary transfers.
Foreign governments, businesses and civil society groups should identify opportunities to increase
pressure on the Chinese government to end the use of Uyghur forced labour and extrajudicial
detentions. This should include pressuring the government to ratify the International Labour
Organization’s (ILO) Convention on Forced Labour, 1930 (No. 29) and Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour
9
The companies listed in this report should conduct immediate and thorough human rights due diligence on their factory labour in China, including robust and
forced labour supply chain risks.
Consumers and consumer advocacy groups should demand companies that manufacture in China conduct human rights due diligence on their supply chains in order to ensure that they uphold basic human rights and are not complicit in any coercive labour schemes.
Convention.
6
03

Executive summary
Since 2017, more than a million Uyghurs and members of other Turkic Muslim minorities have
disappeared into a vast network of ‘re-education camps’ in the far west region of Xinjiang,
11
detainees are subjected to political indoctrination, forced to renounce their religion and culture and,
some experts call a systematic, government-led program of cultural genocide.
in some instances, reportedly subjected to torture.
Chinese authorities have been actively remoulding the Muslim population in the image of China’s Han ethnic majority.
The ‘re-education’ campaign appears to be entering a new phase, as government officials now claim
14
that all ‘trainees’ have ‘graduated’.
There is mounting evidence that many Uyghurs are now being
forced to work in factories within Xinjiang.
15
This report reveals that Chinese factories outside Xinjiang
are also sourcing Uyghur workers under a revived, exploitative government-led labour transfer
16
scheme.
Some factories appear to be using Uyghur workers sent directly from ‘re-education camps’.
The Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) has identified 27 factories in nine Chinese provinces that are using Uyghur labour transferred from Xinjiang since 2017. Those factories claim to be part of
17
80,000 Uyghurs were transferred out of Xinjiang and assigned to factories through labour transfer
programs under a central government policy known as ‘Xinjiang Aid’ (援疆).18
It is extremely difficult for Uyghurs to refuse or escape these work assignments, which are enmeshed
the supply chain of 82 well-known global brands.
Between 2017 and 2019, we estimate that at least
19 In addition to constant surveillance, the threat of arbitrary detention hangs over minority citizens
with the apparatus of detention and political indoctrination both inside and outside of Xinjiang.
12 13 In the name of combating ‘religious extremism’,
20
Most strikingly, local governments and private brokers are paid a price per head by the Xinjiang
21
This report examines three case studies in which Uyghur workers appear to be employed under forced labour conditions by factories in China that supply major global brands. In the first case study, a factory in eastern China that manufactures shoes for US company Nike is equipped with watchtowers, barbed-wire fences and police guard boxes. The Uyghur workers, unlike their Han counterparts, are reportedly unable to go home for holidays (see page 8). In the second case study of another eastern province factory claiming to supply sportswear multinationals Adidas and Fila, evidence suggests
that Uyghur workers were transferred directly from one of Xinjiang’s ‘re-education camps’ (see
page 18). In the third case study, we identify several Chinese factories making components for Apple or their suppliers using Uyghur labour. Political indoctrination is a key part of their job assignments (see page 21).
who refuse their government-sponsored work assignments.
provincial government to organise the labour assignments.
part of the ‘re-education’ process, which the Chinese government calls ‘vocational training’.
A local government work report from 2019 reads: ‘For every batch [of workers] that is trained, a batch of employment will be arranged and a batch will be transferred. Those employed need to receive thorough ideological education and remain in their jobs.’23
The job transfers are now an integral
in what Inside the camps,
10
22
04
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

This research report draws on open-source Chinese-language documents, satellite imagery analysis, academic research and on-the-ground media reporting. It analyses the politics and policies behind the new phase of the Chinese government’s ongoing repression of Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities.
It provides evidence of the exploitation of Uyghur labour and the involvement of foreign and Chinese companies, possibly unknowingly, in human rights abuses.
In all, ASPI’s research has identified 82 foreign and Chinese companies potentially directly or indirectly benefiting from the use of Uyghur workers outside Xinjiang through abusive labour transfer programs as recently as 2019: Abercrombie & Fitch, Acer, Adidas, Alstom, Amazon, Apple, ASUS, BAIC Motor, Bestway, BMW, Bombardier, Bosch, BYD, Calvin Klein, Candy, Carter’s, Cerruti 1881, Changan Automobile, Cisco, CRRC, Dell, Electrolux, Fila, Founder Group, GAC Group (automobiles), Gap, Geely Auto, General Motors, Google, Goertek, H&M, Haier, Hart Schaffner Marx, Hisense, Hitachi, HP, HTC, Huawei, iFlyTek, Jack & Jones, Jaguar, Japan Display Inc., L.L.Bean, Lacoste, Land Rover, Lenovo, LG, Li-Ning, Mayor, Meizu, Mercedes-Benz, MG, Microsoft, Mitsubishi, Mitsumi, Nike, Nintendo, Nokia, Oculus, Oppo, Panasonic, Polo Ralph Lauren, Puma, SAIC Motor, Samsung, SGMW, Sharp, Siemens, Skechers, Sony, TDK, Tommy Hilfiger, Toshiba, Tsinghua Tongfang, Uniqlo, Victoria’s Secret, Vivo, Volkswagen, Xiaomi, Zara, Zegna, ZTE. Some brands are linked with multiple factories.
The data is based on published supplier lists, media reports, and the factories’ claimed suppliers. ASPI reached out to these 82 brands to confirm their relevant supplier details. Where companies responded before publication, we have included their relevant clarifications in this report. If any company responses are made available after publication of the report, we will address these online.
ASPI notes that a small number of brands advised they have instructed their vendors to terminate their relationships with these suppliers in 2020. Others, including Adidas, Bosch and Panasonic, said they had no direct contractual relationships with the suppliers implicated in the labour schemes, but no brands were able to rule out a link further down their supply chain.
The report includes an appendix that details the factories involved and the brands that appear to have elements of forced Uyghur labour in their supply chains. It also makes specific recommendations for the Chinese government, companies, foreign governments and civil society organisations.
05

Forced Uyghur labour
24
The ILO lists 11 indicators of forced labour. may include:
Relevant indicators in the case of Uyghur workers
• being subjected to intimidation and threats, such as the threat of arbitrary detention, and being monitored by security personnel and digital surveillance tools
• being placed in a position of dependency and vulnerability, such as by threats to family members back in Xinjiang
• having freedom of movement restricted, such as by fenced-in factories and high-tech surveillance
• isolation, such as living in segregated dormitories and being transported in dedicated trains
• abusive working conditions, such as political indoctrination, police guard posts in factories, ‘military-style’ management, and a ban on religious practices
• excessive hours, such as after-work Mandarin language classes and political indoctrination sessions
25
Chinese state media claims that participation in labour transfer programs is voluntary, and Chinese
that are part of job assignments.
26
who have been able to leave China and speak out describe the constant fear of being sent back to a
officials have denied any commercial use of forced labour from Xinjiang.
However, Uyghur workers
27
In factories outside Xinjiang, there is evidence that their lives are far from free. Referred to as ‘surplus
detention camp in Xinjiang or even a traditional prison while working at the factories.
labour’ (富余劳动力) or ‘poverty-stricken labour’ (贫困劳动力), Uyghur workers are often transported
28 after their contracts end a year or more later.
and in most cases are returned home by the same method 29
across China in special segregated trains,
Multiple sources suggest that in factories across China, many Uyghur workers lead a harsh, segregated
life under so-called ‘military-style management’ (军事化管理).30 Outside work hours, they attend
media claims that they’re paid attractive wages.
31
Every 50 Uyghur workers are assigned one government minder and
and are prevented They have little freedom of movement and live in
factory-organised Mandarin language classes, participate in ‘patriotic education’,
32
36
The Chinese authorities and factory bosses manage Uyghur workers by ‘tracking’ them both physically
from practising their religion.
are monitored by dedicated security personnel.
carefully guarded dormitories, isolated from their families and children back in Xinjiang. evidence that, at least in some factories, they are paid less than their Han counterparts,
33
37
Xinjiang’s Human Resources and Social Affairs Department and maintained by a team of 100 specialists
38
The database incorporates information from social welfare cards that store workers’ personal details.
It also extracts information from a WeChat39 group and an unnamed smartphone app that tracks the
40
and electronically.
One provincial government document describes a central database, developed by
in Xinjiang, that records the medical, ideological and employment details of each labourer.
movements and activities of each worker.
34 35
There is also despite state
06
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Chinese companies and government officials also pride themselves on being able to alter their Uyghur
workers’ ideological outlook and transform them into ‘modern’ citizens, who, they say, become ‘more
41 42 physically attractive’ and learn to ‘take daily showers’.
In some cases, local governments in Xinjiang send Chinese Communist Party (CCP) cadres to simultaneously surveil workers’ families back home in Xinjiang43— a reminder to workers that any misbehaviour in the factory will have immediate consequences for their loved ones and further evidence that their participation in the program is far from voluntary.
A person with knowledge of a Uyghur labour transfer program in Fujian told Bitter Winter, a religious and human rights NGO, that the workers were all former ‘re-education camp’ detainees and were
44
threatened with further detention if they disobeyed the government’s work assignments.
A Uyghur person sent to work in Fujian also told the NGO that police regularly search their dormitories and check their phones for any religious content. If a Quran is found, the owner will
45
The treatment of Uyghurs described in this report’s case studies is in breach of China’s Constitution,
46
be sent back to the ‘re-education camp’ for 3–5 years.
which prohibits discrimination based on ethnicity or religious belief,
as well as international law.
While we are unable to confirm that all employment transfers from Xinjiang are forced, the cases for which adequate detail has been available showcase highly disturbing coercive labour practices consistent with ILO definitions of forced labour.
07

Case study 1: Uyghur workers making Nike sneakers in Qingdao
Figure 1: Uyghur workers at Taekwang Shoe Manufacturing waving the Chinese flag, October 2019
Source: ‘Strengthening patriotism education and building a bridge of national unity’ (加强爱国主义教育搭建民族团结连心桥), China Ethnic Religion Net (中国民族宗教网), 7 November 2019, online.
In January 2020, around 600 ethnic minority workers from Xinjiang were employed at Qingdao Taekwang Shoes Co. Ltd (青岛泰光制鞋有限公司).47 Taekwang’s primary customer is the American
48
Hotan and Kashgar prefectures, which are remote parts of southern Xinjiang that the Chinese
49
At the factory, the Uyghur labourers make Nike shoes during the day. In the evening, they attend a night school where they study Mandarin, sing the Chinese national anthem and receive ‘vocational
50
multinational company Nike Incorporated.
The Xinjiang workers are mostly Uyghur women from
government has described as ‘backward’ and ‘disturbed by religious extremism’.
training’ and ‘patriotic education’.
The curriculum closely mirrors that of Xinjiang’s ‘re-education
camps’.
51
The sprawling Taekwang factory compound is located in Laixi City, to the north of Qingdao in China’s
Shandong province, and is owned by the Taekwang Group, a South Korean chemical and textile
conglomerate (chaebol). Taekwang’s Laixi factory is one of the largest manufacturers of shoes for
Nike,
52 53 producing more than seven million pairs for the American brand annually.
08
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Figure 2: Taekwang supply chain
Source: A Laixi government committee press release stated that 9,800 Uyghur workers were transferred to Qingdao Taekwang Shoes in ‘more than 60 batches’ since 2007. ‘Strengthening patriotism education and building a bridge of national unity’ (加强爱国主义教育搭建 民族团结连心桥), China Ethnic Religion Net (中国民族宗教网), 7 November 2019, online.
In June 2019, at the opening ceremony of the Taekwang night school, a government official from the local United Front Work Department54 office called on Uyghur workers to strengthen their
55
The school is called the ‘Pomegranate Seed’ Night School (Figure 3), referencing a speech by Chinese President Xi Jinping in which he said ‘every ethnic
identification with the state and the nation.
group must tightly bind together like the seeds of a pomegranate.’56
Figure 3: Opening ceremony of ‘Pomegranate Seed’ Night School for ethnic minorities at Taekwang factory, June 2019
Source: ‘Municipal United Front Work Department’s “Pomegranate Seed” Night School: a look into Qingdao Taekwang’s Mandarin classes’ (市委统战部’ 石榴籽’ 夜校 走进青岛泰光举办普通话培训班), Laixi United Front (莱西统一战线), WeChat, 1 July 2019, online.
09

The Washington Post has reported that Uyghurs working at the factory were not allowed to go home
57
The newspaper also reported that Uyghur workers at the factory were sent there by the Xinjiang government, they did not choose to come to Qingdao, and that they were unable to practice their religion.
Photographs of the factory in January 2020 published by the newspaper show that the complex was equipped with watchtowers, razor wire and inward-facing barbed-wire fences. Uyghur workers were free to walk in the streets around the factory compound, but their comings and goings were closely monitored by a police station at the side gate equipped with facial recognition cameras.
The Uyghur workers at the Taekwang factory speak almost no Mandarin, so communication with locals is largely non-existent, according to the newspaper. They eat in a separate canteen or a Muslim restaurant across the road from the factory, where the ‘halal’ signs have been crossed out. They live in
58
ASPI found evidence that inside the factories, the workers’ ideology and behaviour are closely
monitored. At a purpose-built ‘psychological dredging office’ (心理疏导室), Han and Uyghur officials
from Taekwang’s local women’s federation conduct ‘heart-to-heart’ talks, provide psychological
consulting and assist in the uplifting of the ‘innate quality’ (素质) of the Uyghur workers—in order to aid
for holidays.
buildings next to the factory that are separate quarters from those of the Han workers.
their integration.
59 60 Those offices and roles are also present in Xinjiang’s ‘re-education camps’.
Figure 4: A study room called ‘Home of the Youth’ for ethnic minority workers at the Taekwang factory
Source: ‘Blessed are those who work here in Laixi!’ (在莱西这里上班的人有福了!), In the palm of Laixi (掌上莱西), WeChat, 21 July 2019, online.
10
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Top Chinese government officials see the use and management of ethnic workers at Taekwang as a model worth emulating. Politburo Standing Committee member Wang Yang and China’s Minister for Public Security, Zhao Kezhi, sent a commendation memo to the management, according to a local
The workers are closely monitored by party authorities. Officials from the local offices of the Public Security Bureau and United Front Work Department hold regular meetings with Shandong companies
63
Those agencies also have representatives stationed inside factories like Taekwang to report daily on
the ‘thoughts’ of the Uyghur workers, manage any disputes and guard against spontaneous ‘mass
64
61
were transferred from Xinjiang to Shandong (almost double the government’s own target).
media report in late 2019.
From 2017 to 2018, according to official statistics, 4,710 Uyghur workers 62
that hire “Uyghurs” to discuss the workers’ ‘ideological trends and any issues that have emerged’.
In 2018, a recruitment notice said that Qingdao was looking for auxiliary police who are
instances’.
fluent in minority languages.
to detention camps and monitoring them when they are in detention.
65
In Xinjiang, auxiliary police officers are responsible for bringing people 66
Figure 5: A July 2018 ‘farewell ceremony’ before 176 Uyghur workers left Qira county, Xinjiang for Qingdao to work at Taekwang Shoes Co. Ltd and Fulin Electronics Company
Source: ‘Qira county organises 176 labourers for stable employment at Shandong enterprises’ (策勒县组织176名务工人员赴山东企业稳 定就业), Pomegranate Garden (石榴园), WeChat, 5 July 2018, online.
In January 2018, local Hotan media published a ‘letter of gratitude’ from 130 Uyghur workers at
67
In the letter, which was written in Mandarin, the Uyghur workers described themselves as being mired in poverty before being sent to Qingdao and
Taekwang to the Hotan Prefecture government.
express gratitude that they were now able to earn a monthly salary of Ұ2,850 (US$413, above the
minimum wage in China).
68
ASPI could not verify the wages received by the workers or the authenticity
of the letter. The letter goes on to say that, since arriving in Qingdao, the workers had learned the
69
dangers of religious extremism and now see a ‘beautiful life ahead of them’.
11

Rendering ‘Xinjiang Aid’ (援疆)
Working arrangements that uproot Uyghurs and place them in factories in eastern and central China are not new. Since the early 2000s, the Chinese government has mobilised wealthier coastal provinces and cities to develop frontier regions such as Xinjiang and Tibet, and actively encouraged the movement of workers in the name of promoting ‘inter-ethnic fusion’ (民族交融) and ‘poverty alleviation’ (扶贫).70
Uyghur workers’ participation in those programs is rarely voluntary. Even in the 2000s, well before the ‘re-education camp’ system was created, working and living conditions for transferred Uyghur workers were often exploitative, if not abusive.71 Rights groups criticised the programs as coercive, highlighting how they intentionally removed Uyghurs from their homes and traditional way of life, only to force
the workers to endure the long working hours, poor conditions, predatory bosses and discriminatory attitudes of their Han co-workers.72
Concerned factory bosses significantly reduced the use of Uyghur labour after violent clashes between Han and Uyghur workers in a Guangdong factory led to a deadly riot in Xinjiang’s regional capital of Urumqi in July 2009.73
In response to the unrest, the Chinese government began holding regular national ‘Xinjiang Aid’ conferences in 2010.74 Financial subsidies and political inducements were offered to mobilise wealthier provinces and cities to pair up with cities and prefectures in Xinjiang in order to ‘aid’ the region’s development and stability.75
Provinces have since been encouraged to contribute to the aid scheme in various ways: “‘medical Xinjiang Aid’ (医疗援疆), ‘technology Xinjiang Aid’ (科技援疆), ‘educational Xinjiang Aid’ (教育援疆) and ‘industrial Xinjiang Aid’ (产业援疆).76
77
‘Industrial Xinjiang Aid’ seeks to assign work to ‘idle’ Uyghurs in the name of poverty alleviation, but
it also shares the same indoctrination aims as the ‘re-education camp’ system: factory bosses are
expected to fundamentally alter Uyghur workers by reforming their ‘backward qualities’ and sinicising
Following further violence and the mass detention of Uyghurs in early 2017,
became a top political priority.78 Local governments and corporations were strongly encouraged to find employment opportunities for newly ‘re-educated’ Uyghurs, under a policy termed ‘industrial Xinjiang Aid’.79
80
Han ‘elder sisters and brothers’.
them.
In exchange, Uyghur workers are required to show ‘gratitude’ to the Communist Party and their 81
the ‘Xinjiang Aid’ agenda
12
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Companies across China can participate in industrial ‘Xinjiang Aid’ in two ways:
• opening up ‘satellite’ factories (卫星工厂) or workshops inside Xinjiang to absorb ‘surplus labour capacity’ (富余劳动力).82 According to China’s Xinhua News Agency, in the past few years, ‘Xinjiang Aid’ has seen some 4,400 enterprises set up in Xinjiang, providing nearly a million local jobs83
• hiring Uyghur workers for their factories elsewhere in China through a range of labour transfer schemes.
Some companies, such as Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公司)—a garment company headquartered in Anhui province that claims to supply Fila (Italy/South Korea) and Adidas
84
By late 2018, cheap labour emerging from the ‘re-education camps’ had become an important driver of Xinjiang’s economy, according to an official statement by the Xinjiang Development and Reform
85
report from Karakax county reads.
(Germany)—are engaged in both those forms of industrial aid.
There is now a direct pipeline of Uyghur workers from ‘vocational training’ and political indoctrination in Xinjiang to factory work across China. ‘For every batch (of workers) that is trained,
a batch of employment will be arranged and the batch will be transferred’, a 2019 government work
86
Commission.
for the ‘trained’ Uyghurs.
In some cases, labour transfers outside of Xinjiang are organised
even before vocational training and political indoctrination start—to ensure ‘100% employment rate’
87
13

Xinjiang’s labour transfer program
Data collected from Chinese state media and official government notices indicates that more than 80,000 Uyghur workers were transferred out of Xinjiang between 2017 and 2019. ASPI has mapped the available data on these transfers. The larger the arrow in Figure 6, the greater the number of people being transferred. Dotted lines represent known direct county-to-factory transfers. The diagram shouldn’t be considered comprehensive, but gives a sense of the scale and scope of the program.
Figure 6: Uyghur transfers to other parts of China from 2017 to 2020
Source: ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre, which used a range of data sources, including local media reports and official government sources.
The Chinese government’s official data on labour transfer includes transfers from southern Xinjiang
to northern Xinjiang, transfers from Xinjiang to other provinces, and transfers to local factories. Depending on the county, labourers sent outside Xinjiang count for anywhere between 10%89 to 50%90 of all Xinjiang transfers.
In recent years, transfers from Xinjiang to other parts of China have increased steadily. In 2017, according to state media reports, 20,859 ‘rural surplus labourers’ from Xinjiang were transferred to
91
were transferred for employment in 2018.
work in other provinces.
Based on ASPI’s analysis of published data, an estimated 28,000 people
the region.
93
target was set at 20,000 and exceeded by 4%.
95
exceeded by about 25%.
96
92
In 2019, an estimated 32,000 people were transferred out of
94
In 2019, the target was set at 25,000 and reportedly
Xinjiang authorities also claim to have repeatedly exceeded their labour transfer targets.
The 2017
88
14
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

ASPI analysed the volume of results returned by the Chinese search engine Baidu97 when we searched for keywords related to labour transfer schemes. Figure 7 illustrates a steady increase since 2014
(the year in which the so-called ‘Strike Hard Campaign against Violent Extremism’ was launched in Xinjiang), and an even more dramatic increase from 2017 as the ‘re-education’ process ramped up. This is a further suggestion that the labour transfer program has become an increasingly important political priority for the Chinese government in recent years.
Figure 7: Number of Baidu search results for a variety of keywords relating to Xinjiang labour transfers, 2005 to 2019
Source: ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre
Aside from political incentives, the business of ‘buying’ and ‘selling’ Uyghur labour can be quite lucrative for local governments and commercial brokers. According to a 2018 Xinjiang provincial government notice, for every rural ‘surplus labourer’98 transferred to work in another part of Xinjiang for over nine months, the organiser is awarded Ұ20 (US$3); however, for labour transfers outside
In recent years, advertisements for ‘government-sponsored Uyghur labour’ also began to appear
online. In February 2019, a company based in Qingdao published a notice advertising a large number
of ‘government-led … qualified, secure and reliable’ Uyghur workers for transfer to some 10 provinces
102
99
compensated by the Xinjiang government, receiving a Ұ1,000 (US$144.16) cash inducement for each
of Xinjiang, the figure jumps 15-fold to Ұ300 (US$43.25).
Receiving factories across China are also
100
minimum wage in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s regional capital, was Ұ1620 (US$232.08) a month in 2018.
worker they contract for a year, and Ұ5,000 (US$720.80) for a three-year contract.
The statutory 101
in China (Figure 8).
15

Figure 8: Advertisement published by Qingdao Decai Decoration Co. claiming to supply government-sponsored Uyghur workers from Xinjiang to other provinces
Note: The ad features a caricature of two dancing Uyghurs in traditional clothing.
Source: ‘Our company provides a large number of government (sponsored) Xinjiang workers – labour dispatching company’ (我司提供大 量政府新疆工人劳务派遣公司), Qingdao Human Resources Website (青岛德才人力资源网), online. Translated from Chinese by ASPI.
Another new advertisement claimed to be able to supply 1,000 Uyghur workers aged 16 to 18 years.
It reads: ‘The advantages of Xinjiang workers are: semi-military style management, can withstand hardship, no loss of personnel … Minimum order 100 workers!’. The advertisement also said that factory managers can apply for current Xinjiang police to be stationed at their factory 24 hours a day, and that the workers could be delivered (along with an Uyghur cook) within 15 days of the signing of a one-year contract (Figure 9).
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Figure 9: Labour-hire advertisement offering young Uyghur workers under ‘semi-military style management’
Source: ‘1,000 minorities, awaiting online booking’ (1000少数民族,在线等预约), Baidu HR Forum (百度 HR吧), 27 November 2019, online. Translated from Chinese by ASPI.
17

Case study 2: From ‘re-education camps’ to forced labour assignments
New evidence indicates that ‘graduating’ detainees from Xinjiang’s ‘re-education camps’ have been sent directly to factories to work in other parts of China. In such circumstances, it is unlikely that their work arrangements are voluntary.
The Haoyuanpeng Clothing Manufacturing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋制衣有限公司, HYP) participates in ‘Xinjiang Aid’ both through its satellite factory103 in Xinjiang (established in 2018) and by exporting Uyghur workers to Anhui province, where it is headquartered. On HYP’s corporate website, it advertises strategic partnerships with the Italian–South Korean fashion label Fila, German sportswear companies
104
In February 2018, HYP transferred 63 workers from Xinjiang to its Anhui factory in eastern China with
105
ASPI’s analysis of satellite imagery and official documents suggest the ‘school’ had operated as
a ‘re-education camp’ since 2017. The compound increased in size, adding new dormitories and factory warehouses while significant security features were added through the introduction of secure
107
Figure 10: Satellite image of Jiashi Vocational School, January 2018, with security infrastructure added since 2017 highlighted in orange
Adidas and Puma, and Nike.
The transferred workers were all ‘graduates’ of the Jiashi County Secondary Vocational School (伽师县中等职业学校), according to a government report.106
plans to eventually transfer 500 in total.
‘military-style management’ (see Figure 10).
Note: Multiple dormitory buildings and a teaching building appear to be completely fenced in and isolated in a style that resembles other political indoctrination camps. Additionally, five small factory warehouse buildings have been constructed in the enclosed area. Source: ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

A spokesperson from Adidas said the company does not have an active relationship with HYP and that they will further investigate the use of the Adidas signage.
The transfer of Uyghur labour to Anhui was part of a ‘Xinjiang Aid’ project organised by the Guangdong government, which also involved HYP setting up a highly secure factory in Xinjiang’s Shule (Yengixahar)
108
Figure 11: Satellite image of HYP’s factory in Shule (Yengixahar) county, Xinjiang
county (Figure 11).
Note: The factory is fully enclosed by perimeter fencing and has several residential dorm buildings further isolated by fencing. In addition there are several security posts throughout the facility. Source: ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre.
In a recent interview, HYP President Zeng Yifa (曾亿法) told state media that he established a factory in Xinjiang because it was difficult to find young workers in other parts of China, or even abroad, concluding that: ‘Although the quality of North Korean workers is good, I’m reluctant to spend money on foreign workers. In the end, I chose Xinjiang.’109
HYP’s factory in Xinjiang, which has a large Adidas billboard on its facade (Figure 13), is surrounded by a 3-metre-high fence. The two entrances to the factory are guarded by security checkpoints, and at least five more security posts monitor the rest of the facility’s perimeter. It is unclear whether HYP’s factory in Anhui province has similar security features.
19

Figure 12: HYP’s supply chain
Source: ASPI ICPC. See Appendix for supply chain information.
Figure 13: Hao Yuanpeng’s Kashgar, Xinjiang factory.
Source: Photos of company (企业展示), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公司), online.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Case study 3: ‘Re-educating’ Uyghur workers in Apple’s supply chain
In December 2017, Apple’s CEO Tim Cook visited one of the company’s contractors—O-Film Technology Co. Ltd (欧菲光科技股份有限公司)110—and posted a picture of himself at the company’s
111
O-Film manufactured112 the ‘selfie cameras’ for the iPhone 8 and iPhone X. The company also claims on its website to manufacture camera modules and touchscreen components for a number of other
113
Figure 14: Tim Cook’s Weibo post from O-Film’s Guangzhou factory in December 2017
Guangzhou factory on the Chinese social media platform Weibo.
well-known companies including Huawei, Lenovo and Samsung.
Tim Cook’s post on Chinese social media: ‘Say cheese! Getting a closer look at the remarkable, precision work that goes into manufacturing the selfie cameras for iPhone 8 and iPhone X at O-Film’. Source: online.
21

Prior to Cook’s visit, between 28 April and 1 May 2017, 700 Uyghurs were reportedly transferred from Lop county, Hotan Prefecture, in Xinjiang to work at a separate O-Film factory in Nanchang,
114
As with other labour transfers from Xinjiang described in this report, the work assignments for the Uyghurs sent to Jiangxi were highly politicised. The workers were expected to ‘gradually alter their ideology’ and turn into ‘modern, capable youth’ who ‘understand the Party’s blessing, feel gratitude
116
117
Five months later, in October 2017, the Hotan government in Xinjiang contacted O-Film, hoping to
Figure 15: O-Film Supply Chain
Jiangxi province.
115
they were managed by a few minders sent by Lop county who were ‘politically reliable’ and knew both
toward the Party, and contribute to stability,’ a local Xinjiang newspaper wrote.
Once in Jiangxi,
Mandarin and the Uyghur language.
According to a now deleted press release,
towards employees’ during his visit to O-Film, asserting that workers seemed ‘able to gain growth at the company, and live happily.’118
supply another 1,300 workers.
On 12 December 2017, a Uyghur worker who claimed to have worked 120
Cook praised the company for its ‘humane approach
119
at O-Film said that there were more than a thousand Uyghur workers at the O-Film factory in Jiangxi.
Source: ASPI ICPC. See appendix for supply chain source information.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

O-Film is not the only Chinese factory using Uyghur labour to make parts for Apple and its suppliers. This report identifies three other factories in Apple’s supply chain.
A local government document from September 2019 said that 560 Xinjiang labourers were transferred to work in factories in central Henan province—including Foxconn Technology (Foxconn)’s Zhengzhou
121
Foxconn, a Taiwanese company, is the biggest contract electronics manufacturer in the
122
facility.
world, making devices for Apple, Dell and Sony, among others.
makes half of the world’s iPhones and is the reason why Zhengzhou city is dubbed the ‘iPhone city’.
It is unclear how the Uyghur workers are treated at the Zhengzhou facility. However, a September 2019 report by New York-based China Labour Watch said contract workers at Foxconn’s Zhengzhou
124
past decade, Foxconn has been marred by allegations of worker exploitation and even suicides,
factory—which includes Uyghur workers—put in at least 100 overtime hours a month.
125
Figure 16: Uyghur workers arriving at Hubei Yihong Precision Manufacturing Co. Ltd
including recently at its Zhengzhou facility.
‘Xinjiang Aid’ scheme.
126
The Zhengzhou facility reportedly
Over the The company has also actively participated in the
123
Uyghur workers with Hubei Yihong Precision Manufacturing Co. Ltd on their transfer between Xinjiang and Xianning, Hubei. This photograph was taken outside of Wuchang train station in Wuhan, Hubei’s provincial capital, in May 2018. Source: online.
On 17 May 2018, 105 Uyghur workers were transferred from Keriya county, Xinjiang, to Hubei Yihong Precision Manufacturing Co. Ltd (湖北奕宏精密制造有限公司, Hubei Yihong) in Xianning, Hubei
127
factory. In a speech, he put forward three demands: for the workers to exercise gratitude to the
province.
Upon the workers’ arrival, a senior communist party official visited the Hubei Yihong
23

Communist Party, for the managers to increase surveillance and intensify patriotic education, and for
128
Hubei Yihong makes backlights and battery covers.
the workers to quickly blend in.
Co. Ltd (东莞市奕东电子有限公司), whose website claims that its end customers include Apple and
130
Hubei Yihong’s website lists Goertek, which directly supplies Apple with AirPods, as one of its
Huawei. customers.
131
Figure 17: Hubei Yihong Supply Chain
129
It is a subsidiary of Dongguan Yidong Electronic
While neither Hubei Yihong nor its parent company is included in Apple’s supplier list,
Source: ASPI ICPC. See appendix for supply chain source information.
In 2017, another electronics company that claims to make components for Apple’s supplier, Hefei Highbroad Advanced Material Co. Ltd (翰博高新材料(合肥)股份有限公司, Highbroad) signed a contract with the Hotan government to take in 1,000 Uyghurs each year for the next three years,
132
according to the company’s vice president.
Later that year, more than 500 Uyghurs from rural Guma
county in Hotan Prefecture were transported to Hefei in Anhui province to begin work in Highbroad’s
133
electronics factory.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

In 2018, 544 Uyghurs were transferred from Guma county to a Highbroad subsidiary, also in Hefei, called Fuying Photoelectric Co. Ltd (合肥福映光电有限公司).134 At Fuying, according to state media, Aynur Memetyusup, a young Uyghur woman, learned to improve her Mandarin and workplace discipline and to take daily showers that made ‘her long hair more flowing than ever.’ She is quoted as saying, ‘Like President Xi has said, happiness is always the result of struggle.’135
Figure 18: A picture of Aynur Memetyusup (first from left) in an after-work Mandarin class at Highbroad Advanced Material Co. Ltd in Hefei, Anhui province
Source: ‘Uyghur girl helps her mom’s big dream come true’, China Daily, 6 August 2019, online.
136
become Apple’s second-largest OLED screen supplier by 2021.
According to the company’s 2018 annual report,
flat panel displays—the LCD and OLED screens used in many smartphones, tablets and computers. Highbroad notes that 79.19% of its operating revenue comes from sales to the Beijing-based multinational company BOE Technology Group Co. Ltd (京东方), which is one of the world’s largest producers of electronic displays. BOE is currently a major screen supplier to Huawei137 and is set to
138
supplier list.
139
According to Highbroad’s website their customers include Japan Display Inc. and LG Display.140 Highbroad’s hiring ads141 and a Chinese LCD industry directory142 also claim that Highbroad’s end customers include other well-known companies including Dell, Lenovo, Samsung and Sony, and automobile manufacturers such as BMW, Jaguar, Land Rover, Mercedes-Benz and Volkswagen (Figure 18).
Highbroad’s main products are components for
BOE is currently listed on Apple’s
25

Figure 19: Highbroad supply chain
Source: ASPI ICPC. See Appendix for supply chain information.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Implications for the global supply chain
The rapid expansion of the nationwide system of Uyghur labour presents a new challenge for foreign companies operating in China. How do they secure the integrity of their supply chains and protect their brands from the reputational and legal risks of being associated with forced, discriminatory or abusive labour practices? Interwoven supply chains and the mixed nature of their workforces, which draw on both Han and Uyghur workers, make it particularly difficult for companies to ensure that their products are not associated with forced labour. These labour transfer schemes also present a challenge to the reputation of Chinese brands overseas.
In all, ASPI’s research has identified 82 foreign and Chinese companies potentially directly or indirectly benefiting from the use of Uyghur workers outside Xinjiang through abusive labour transfer programs: Abercrombie & Fitch, Acer, Adidas, Alstom, Amazon, Apple, ASUS, BAIC Motor, Bestway, BMW, Bombardier, Bosch, BYD, Calvin Klein, Candy, Carter’s, Cerruti 1881, Changan Automobile, Cisco, CRRC, Dell, Electrolux, Fila, Founder Group, GAC Group (automobiles), Gap, Geely Auto, General Motors, Google, Goertek, H&M, Haier, Hart Schaffner Marx, Hisense, Hitachi, HP, HTC, Huawei, iFlyTek, Jack & Jones, Jaguar, Japan Display Inc., L.L.Bean, Lacoste, Land Rover, Lenovo, LG, Li-Ning, Marks & Spencer, Mayor, Meizu, Mercedes-Benz, MG, Microsoft, Mitsubishi, Mitsumi, Nike, Nintendo, Nokia, Oculus, Oppo, Panasonic, Polo Ralph Lauren, Puma, SAIC Motor, Samsung, SGMW, Sharp, Siemens, Skechers, Sony, TDK, Tommy Hilfiger, Toshiba, Tsinghua Tongfang, Uniqlo, Victoria’s Secret, Vivo, Volkswagen, Xiaomi, Zara, Zegna, ZTE. Some brands are linked with multiple factories. The data is based on published supplier lists, media reports, and the factories’ claimed suppliers. ASPI reached out to these 82 brands to confirm their relevant supplier details. Where companies responded before publication, we have included their relevant clarifications in this report. If any company responses are made available after publication of this report, we will address these online.
A further 54 companies are implicated in what could be forced labour schemes within Xinjiang itself (see appendix)—some of which overlap with the 82 companies linked to forced Uyghur labour outside of Xinjiang. It is important to note that not all companies have the same levels of exposure to Uyghur forced labour. Some finished products are directly manufactured by these workers, while others pass through complicated supply chains.
The appendix to this report lists 35 documented labour transfer programs under ‘Xinjiang Aid’ since 2017. The table includes the following information:
• transfers to factories in central and eastern provinces of China
• transfers to purpose-built factories within Xinjiang
• the number of people moved to the factories
• the products they make
• the companies the factories claim they supply.
27

In the past three years, the ‘re-education camp’ system in Xinjiang has drawn international condemnation. Now the culture and ethos of ‘re-education’ is being exported well beyond Xinjiang and married with practices that likely amount to forced labour.
This report establishes that some workers employed through labour transfer schemes at factories across China are sourced directly from the ‘re-education camps’ in Xinjiang. Ethnic minority workers from Xinjiang who are not known to be former detainees may also be forced to work under threat of detention, the intimidation of family members and a range of restrictions on their freedom. The tainted global supply chain that results from these practices means that it is now difficult to guarantee that
143
We have found that a large number of Chinese and multinational companies are sourcing components or products from factories that proudly boast about their Uyghur workers, such as Taekwang144
145
products manufactured in China are free from forced labour.
This situation poses new risks—reputational and legal—for companies and consumers purchasing goods from China, as products made in any part of the country, not just in Xinjiang, may have passed through the hands of forced labourers. This situation also creates new risks for investors in those companies—from private investors to wealth management funds—who may now find themselves indirectly linked to forced labour practices.
and HYP.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Recommendations
The response to the abuses identified in this report should not involve a knee-jerk rejection of Uyghur or Chinese labour. The problem is the policies that require Uyghurs to work under duress in violation of well-established international labour laws. It is vital that, as these problems are addressed, Uyghur labourers are not placed in positions of greater harm or, for example, involuntarily transferred back to Xinjiang, where their safety cannot necessarily be guaranteed. In light of this report’s findings, we make the following recommendations.
The Chinese government should:
• give multinational companies unfettered access to allow them to investigate any abusive or forced labour practices in factories in China
• uphold the rights of all workers in China, especially those from vulnerable ethnic minorities, to determine how their labour is deployed and the conditions under which they leave their place of residence
• ratify the ILO International Labour Standards; structure a comprehensive grievance mechanism, including for the investigation of alleged cases of forced labour; provide victims with protection and remedies; and prosecute perpetrators
• uphold the legitimate rights of China’s citizens, including by protecting ethnic and religious rights
146
Companies using forced Uyghur labour in their supply chains could find themselves in breach of laws which prohibit the importation of goods made with forced labour or mandate disclosure of forced
147
enshrined in the Chinese Constitution.
labour supply chain risks.
Each company listed in this report should:
• conduct immediate and thorough human rights due diligence on its factory labour in China, including robust and independent social audits and inspections. The audits and inspections should include a stocktake of the conditions and current and ongoing safety of vulnerable workers
• if it finds that factories are implicated in forced labour, seek to use its leverage to address improper labour practices. In all cases where harm has occurred, it should take appropriate and immediate remedial action. Where it cannot, it should cease working with those factories
• ensure that it is fully transparent as it seeks to address all potential harms, including by reporting its due diligence and audit findings publicly.
Foreign governments should:
• identify opportunities to increase pressure on the Chinese government to end the use and facilitation of Uyghur forced labour and mass extrajudicial detention, including through the use of targeted sanctions on senior officials responsible for Xinjiang’s coercive labour transfers
• review trade agreements to restrict commodities and products being produced with forced labour
• identify opportunities to pressure the Chinese government into ratifying the Convention on Forced
150
Labour, 1930 (No. 29),
2014 to the Forced Labour Convention.
148 149
Abolition of Forced Labour Convention, 1957 (No.105) and the Protocol of
29

Consumers and civil society groups, including NGOs, labour unions and consumer advocacy groups, should:
• demand that companies that manufacture in China conduct due diligence and social audits to ensure that they’re not complicit in forced labour practices
• advocate for the recognition of continual, multilayered surveillance and monitoring of workers and their digital communications—both in and outside work hours—as an emerging and under-reported indicator of forced labour and an important human rights violation
• push brands to be more transparent about the make-up of their supply chains and the preventative measures they have put in place to ensure forced labour does not occur
• demand that companies make new public commitments, uphold current commitments, or both, to not use forced and coerced labour in their global supply chains and that they act quickly and publicly when such cases are identified.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Appendix
Table 1: Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
From 2014 to mid-2018, Xinjiang’s Nilka county transferred 390 people to work
151
transferred to KTK Group
154
in other provinces of China.
In the first 6 months of 2019, the county transferred 551 people
152
That included workers sent to Changzhou, Jiangsu,
out of Xinjiang.
153
2019, 41 Uyghur workers were
dozens at a time.
In July
in Changzhou.
KTK Group
(今创控股集团 also known as Jiangsu Jinchuang Group) is mainly involved in rail transportation equipment, including design, research and development, and producing
door systems, interiors, and
155
other parts.
KTK Group’s website says its customers include Alstom, Bombardier, CRRC and Siemens, and the company is a strategic partner with Alstom, Bombardier, CRRC and Hitachi.156
A subsidiary of Chinese rail manufacturer, CRRC Co.
Ltd, is currently building157 Melbourne’s new high-capacity trains after jointly securing158
a AU$2 billion (US$1.5 billion) contract with two other companies.
In May 2017, 1,200 people were transferred from Lop, Hotan Prefecture, out of Xinjiang—700 of them to Nanchang, Jiangxi, to work at O-Film Technology Co. Ltd.159
Five months later, the Hotan
Government contacted O-Film
Technology hoping to supply
160
At the end of 2017, a Uyghur worker who claimed to have worked at O-Film Technology said that there were more than
a thousand Uyghur workers at
161
another 1,300 workers.
the company.
O-Film Technology Co. Ltd
(欧菲光科技股份有限公司) manufactures compact camera modules and touchscreen
components for smartphones,
162
laptops and cars.
Strategic partners listed on O-Film Technology’s website include: Acer, ASUS, Amazon, BAIC Motor, Changan Automobile, Dell, GAC Group (automobiles), Geely Auto, General Motors, HP, HTC, Huawei, Lenovo, LG, Meizu, Microsoft, Oppo, SAIC Motor, Samsung, SGMW, Sony, Vivo, Xiaomi and ZTE.163
O-Film Technology also manufactured key components of iPhone 8 and iPhone X camera technologies for Apple in 2017164 and is currently
165
on Apple’s supplier list.
In 2017, Apple’s CEO Tim Cook personally visited the
166
company.
As reported in early 2019, 46 workers (including Kazakhs)167 were transferred from Tekes county, Xinjiang, to work at Nanjing Synergy Textiles
Co. Ltd in Nanjing in eastern
168
China’s Jiangsu Province.
Nanjing Synergy Textiles Co. Ltd (南京新一棉纺织有限 公司 / 南京新一棉纺织印染 有限公司) is a wholly owned subsidiary of Victory City International Holding Ltd (冠华国际控股有限公司) and produces high-grade cotton, knitting yarns and CVC yarns.
169
Victory City’s customers include Calvin Klein, Carter’s, Li-Ning, according to a report by China Galaxy Securities,
a Chinese brokerage and
170
investment bank.
31

Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
In 2018, Awat county transferred 1,554 people
to factories out of Xinjiang, including to Hefei Meiling Co. Ltd in Anhui province.171
Hefei Meiling Co. Ltd (合肥美 菱股份有限公司) is a Chinese
172
appliances and other small
173
electronics manufacturer.
It produces refrigerators, washing machines, freezers, air conditioners, kitchen
home appliances.
In 2017, Meiling became an exclusive supplier of Italy’s Candy.174 A 2017 Chinese media report says Meiling supplies fridges to Swedish Electrolux.175
Between 2017 and November 2019, 491 workers were transferred from Tumxuk City, Xinjiang to Dongguan Lvzhou Shoes Industry
Co. Ltd in eastern China’s
176
Guangdong Province.
Dongguan Lvzhou Shoes Industry Co. Ltd (东莞绿 洲鞋业有限公司) is a shoe manufacturer under the Taiwanese Dalibu Group (大力卜集团).177
According to a report from Taiwanese students interning at the company, Dongguan Lvzhou Shoes is the main manufacturer for the American brand Skechers.178
From April 2017 to June 2018, 2,048 Uyghur workers were transferred from Hotan Prefecture in Xinjiang to 15 factories in Anhui Province, including Youngor Textile Holdings Co. Ltd.179
At a ‘Xinjiang Aid’ meeting with Anhui provincial government representatives in 2019, Youngor Textile Holdings welcomed labour transfers and
expressed interest in taking
180
more transferred workers.
Youngor Textile Holdings Co. Ltd (雅戈尔色纺科技公司) is a subsidiary of Youngor Group Co. Ltd (雅戈尔集团股份有 限公司), producing textiles
181
and textile machinery. Youngor also owns a number of subsidiaries and factories
182
in Xinjiang.
Youngor Group’s official website says that Youngor is in strategic cooperation partnerships
with several international brands, including Cerruti 1881 and Zegna, and also owns
the brands Hart Schaffner Marx and Mayor.183 Youngor’s Xinjiang company claims to supply Calvin Klein, Gap, Jack & Jones, Lacoste, L.L.Bean, Marks & Spencer, Polo Ralph Lauren, Tommy Hilfiger,
and Uniqlo.184
From April 2017 to June 2018, 2,048 Uyghur workers were taken from Hotan Prefecture in Xinjiang to 15 factories in Anhui Province, including Huafu Top Dyed Melange Yarn Co. Ltd.185
Huafu Top Dyed Melange Yarn Co. Ltd (安徽淮北华孚色纺/ 华孚时尚有限公司) produces
cotton, coloured fibres and
186
melange yarn.
According to Chinese media, Huafu’s long term customers include Adidas, Abercrombie & Fitch, Lacoste, Puma, Zara and H&M.187 Adidas and A&F told ASPI they recently stopped using Huafu. Huafu supplies yarn for Victoria’s Secret188 however the brand’s parent company, L Brands, claimed
its suppliers are compliant with forced labour laws. Zara’s owner Inditex claimed that the company “does not have a commercial relationship with Huafu Fashion.”
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
In March and April 2019,
131 minority women were transferred from Karakax county, Xinjiang, to Hubei Haixin Protective Products Co. Ltd in central China’s Yuanshi town, Hubei Province. At the factory, they undergo
Mandarin classes three days
189
a week.
Hubei Haixin Protective Products Co. Ltd (湖北海 兴卫生用品集团有限公司) produces disposable medical and protective products
such as masks, gowns and
190
shoe covers.
According to Hubei Haixin’s website, 60% of its products are exported to Europe, 20% to
191
the US and 15% to Asia.
In November 2017, more
than 500 Uyghur workers
were transferred from Guma county, Xinjiang, to Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co. Ltd in Hefei, Anhui.192 In 2018, 544 young Uyghurs were transferred from Guma county to Highbroad subsidiary Hefei
Fuying Photoelectric Co. Ltd,
193
also in Hefei.
Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co. Ltd (翰博高新 材料(合肥)股份有限公司) produces backlight modules and LCD components for smart devices, including phones,
194
Hefei Fuying Photoelectric
Co. Ltd (合肥福映光电
有限公司) is a subsidiary
195
Most of Highbroad’s revenue comes from supplying the Chinese company BOE Technology Group Co. Ltd (京东方科技集团股份有 限公司),196 which is one of
the world’s biggest display
197
laptops and cars.
of Highbroad.
makers.
According to Highbroad’s
198
website , their customers
include LG Display and Japan Display Inc. Highbroad’s hiring ads199 and a Chinese LCD industry directory200 claim that Highbroad’s end customers also include other smart device companies such as Dell, Lenovo, Samsung and Sony, and automobile manufacturers such as BMW, Jaguar, Land Rover, Mercedes-Benz and Volkswagen.201
79.19% of Highbroad’s operating revenue comes from sales to the Beijing-based multinational company BOE Technology Group Co. Ltd (京 东方). BOE is currently a major screen supplier to Huawei and is set to become Apple’s second-largest OLED screen
202
supplier by 2021.
BOE is
currently listed on Apple’s
203
supplier list.
33

Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
On 17 May 2018, 105 Uyghur workers were transferred from Keriya county, Xinjiang, to Hubei Yihong Precision
Manufacturing Co. Ltd in
204
Xianning, Hubei province.
Hubei Yihong Precision Manufacturing Co. Ltd (湖北奕宏精密制造有限公司) is a subsidiary of Dongguan Yidong Electronic Co. Ltd (东莞市奕东电子有限公
司) and produces precision parts for electronics such as backlights and battery
205
covers.
According to their website, Dongguan Yidong Electronic Co. Ltd supply directly to
BYD, Goertek, Mitsumi, TDK, Toshiba, BOE and Kyocera.
It claims their end customers include Apple, Cisco, General Electric, Google, Haier, HP, Huawei, Microsoft, Mitsubishi, Nintendo, Oculus, Oppo, Panasonic, Samsung, Siemens, Sony, and ZTE.206
A spokesperson from General Electric said that the company has no record of ever having used Hubei Yihong or their subsidiary as a direct supplier. Hubei Yihong has taken down its company webpage since the publication of this report. Haier said the company is not in its supplier database. BYD advises it has no ties to Hubei Yihong and has never used it in its supply chain.
In February 2018, 63 workers
were transferred from the
Jiashi County Secondary
Vocational School (伽师县中
等职业学校) near Kashgar,
in Xinjiang, to Haoyuanpeng
Garment Group in eastern
207
ASPI’s analysis of satellite imagery and official documents suggest the school has
operated as a ‘re-education
208
Anhui Province.
camp’ since 2017.
Haoyuanpeng Garment Group (安徽浩缘朋制衣集团 公司) manufactures apparel such as down jackets, casual pants and children’s clothing, and owns several companies around the country, including one in Xinjiang called the Kashgar Haoyuanp Garment Co. Ltd (喀什浩缘朋服装有限 公司).209
Haoyuanpeng’s website states that the company’s customers include Adidas, Fila, Nike and Puma.210 Adidas says that it has no direct relationship with HYP and that they’re investigating HYP’s use of their brand name and logo. Nike has denied any relationship with Haoyuanpeng in a media statement, online.
As reported in August 2019, 192 minority workers from Xinjiang were working at Ningbo Aoboer Electric Appliance Co. Ltd in Zhejiang Province.211
Ningbo Aoboer Electric Appliance Co. Ltd (宁波奥博尔 电器有限公司) manufactures
electrical sockets and
212
power adapters.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
34
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
In the first 8 months of 2018, 1,554 workers were reportedly transferred from Awat county, Xinjiang, to factories in
other provinces, including to
Hefei Bitland Information
Technology Co. Ltd in Hefei,
213
Anhui.
Hefei Bitland Information Technology Co. Ltd (安徽合肥宝龙达信息技 术有限公司) produces
electronics such as computers
214
and smartphones.
Hefei Bitland’s website says
the company’s cooperative partners include Founder Group, Google, Haier, Hisense, HTC, HP, iFlyTek, Lenovo and Tsinghua Tongfang.215
Haier said this factory is not in its supplier database.
In the first 8 months of 2018, 1,554 workers were reportedly transferred from Awat county, Xinjiang, to factories in other provinces, including Sichuan Mianyang Jingweida Technology Co. Ltd.216
Sichuan Mianyang Jingweida Technology Co. Ltd (四川 绵阳经纬达科技有限公司) produces magnetoelectric components such as power and
LAN modules used in laptops
217
and home appliances.
According to local media, Jingweida has supplied products and services
to brands including Dell, Foxconn, Hisense, HP, Huawei, Sharp, Toshiba and ZTE. Jingweida’s Chairman Wang Qiang also claimed that the company had been working with Bosch.219
218
Unknown number of people were transferred from Hotan City to Jinjiang, Fujian to work at Meike Leisure Sports Goods in March 2019.220
Fujian Meike Leisure Sports
Goods Co. Ltd (美克国际控
股有限公司) manufactures
221
shoes.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
In April 2018, 46 people who
were ‘vocational school
graduates’ were transferred
from Payziwat county, Xinjiang
to work at Zhaoxing Outdoor
Gears Co. Ltd in Fuzhou, Fujian
222
Province.
By April 2019, there
were 99 Uyghur workers at
223
the company.
Zhaoxing Outdoor Gears Co. Ltd (兆兴户外用品有限公司) in Fuzhou city, Fujian province,
produces clothing and plastic
224
fabrics.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
In the first half of 2019,
437 Uyghur workers were transferred to Fujian Province from Hotan City, Lop county, Makit county and other regions
225
Yilong Textile Co. Ltd.
The workers were sent to different factories in Fujian including Quanzhou
in Xinjiang.
QuanZhou Yilong Textile Co. Ltd (泉州益龙纺织有限责任 公司) manufactures children’s
clothing, sportswear and
226
loungewear.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
35

Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
As reported in late 2019,
30 minority workers
were transferred from
Hami City, Xinjiang, to Haoxiangni Health Food Co. Ltd in Zhengzhou, Henan province, for training and subsequent employment.
In 2018, Haoxiangni Health Food Co Ltd launched a project that the company claimed
would provide 200 local jobs
228
in Xinjiang.
227
Haoxiangni Health Food Co.
Ltd (好想你健康食品股份有限
公司) produces red dates, dried
229
fruits and other health foods.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
As reported in late 2019,
560 Xinjiang workers were transferred to work in factories in central Henan province, including to Foxconn
Technology in Zhengzhou,
230
Henan province.
Foxconn Technology,
a Taiwanese company, is the biggest contract electronics
231
manufacturer in the world.
Foxconn has supplied brands like Apple, Dell,232 Google,233 HP,234 Huawei,235 Microsoft,236 Nintendo,237 Sony,238
and Xiaomi.239
Foxconn’s Zhengzhou, Henan facility reportedly makes half of the world’s iPhones and is the reason why Zhengzhou city is dubbed the “iPhone
channels’ include Nokia and Sharp.241
240
Foxconn’s website says their brands and ‘marketing
city”.
In October 2018, 59 minority workers were transferred from Gulja county to Jianhua
Construction Materials Group
242
in Huai’an, Jiangsu.
Jianhua Construction Materials Group (汤始建 华建材(淮安)有限公司)
says it’s a service provider of
243
concrete products.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
In May 2017, 47 minority workers were transferred from Qapqal Xibe Autonomous county, Xinjiang, to
Jiangsu’s Yancheng city to work at Jiangsu Rongwei Entertainment Products.244
Jiangsu Rongwei Entertainment Products is a subsidiary of Bestway Global Holding Inc.245
Bestway Global Holdings
exports outdoor leisure products including inflatable products, sporting goods and camping equipment to over 110
using workers transferred from Xinjiang in October 2019 due to concerns from its US
247
246
In December 2019, Bestway said it had stopped
countries.
management.
36
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Transfers of Uyghurs out of Xinjiang
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
130 people were transferred from Nilka county, Xinjiang, to Hubei Province to work at
AcBel Polytech Co. Ltd in the
248
first half of 2019.
AcBel Polytech Co. Ltd
(康舒电子有限公司) produces power supplies used in information technology, communications, consumer
249
electronics and other areas. AcBel owns manufacturing sites in Taiwan, the Philippines,
and Guangdong and Hubei
250
Provinces in China.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
According to an official notice, in late 2019, Mongolküre county held a ‘job fair’ to organise labor transfers. Avary Holding Co. Ltd was among the participating companies.
In the first half of 2019, 111 people were transferred from Nilka county, Xinjiang, to Huaian, Jiangsu, to work at Avary Holding Co. Ltd.252
251
Avary Holding Co. Ltd (淮 安鹏鼎控股股份有限公司) produces printed circuit boards
used in consumer electronics
253
and automotive electronics.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
In March 2019, 236 workers were transferred from Nilka county, Xinjiang, to work at
Tanyuan Technology Co. Ltd
254
in Wujin, Jiangsu.
Tanyuan Technology Co. Ltd (碳元科技股份有限 公司) manufactures heat dissipation and backplane
solutions that are used in
255
consumer electronics.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
According to a 2019 local media report, Uyghurs were transferred from Makit county, Xinjiang, to work at Jinan Gude
Electronics Device Co. Ltd, a
256
factory in Jinan, Shandong.
Jinan Gude Electronics Device Co. Ltd (济南固锝电子 器件有限公司) manufactures
diodes, rectifiers, and
257
semiconductors.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
In early 2017, Qingdao Gaochang Electronic Co. Ltd, alongside four other factories, signed agreements with Makit county to employ a total of 500 Uyghur workers. The agreement was signed prior to a three-month-long detention and political indoctrination program – to ensure ‘100%
employment rate’ for the
258
‘trained’ Uyghurs.
Qingdao Gaochang Electronic
Co. Ltd (青岛高广电子有限
公司) manufactures home
259
appliances like gas stoves.
Supply chain information for this factory is not available.
37

Table 2: Labour transfer schemes within Xinjiang under ‘Xinjiang Aid’
Labour transfer schemes within Xinjiang under ‘Xinjiang Aid’
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
Shandong Ruyi Technology Group Co. Ltd went into
260
By November 2019, Ruyi had reportedly employed 2,000 Uyghur workers across three
261
Xinjiang as early as 2010.
counties in Xinjiang.
Shandong Ruyi Technology Group Co. Ltd (山东如意毛 纺服装集团股份有限公司) is a Chinese luxury clothing
Xinjiang, including Shihezi Ruyi Textile Co. Ltd (石河子如意纺 织有限公司) and Shule Ruyi Textile Co. Ltd (疏勒如意科技 纺织有限公司).263
262
The company owns a number of factories in
company.
Ruyi’s subsidiaries include several international luxury brands, such as Acquascutum, Bally, Renown and SMCP (which owns Sandro, Maje and Claude Pierlot).264
Ruyi also owns the LYCRA
265
fibre company.
In November 2019, a satellite factory of Shandong Zoucheng Guosheng (clothing company) claimed to have brought over 3,500 jobs to
to be the biggest Xinjiang Aid project in Kashgar Prefecture.
266
A government report said that this was set
Xinjiang.
Shandong Zoucheng Guosheng (山东邹城国盛)
is a factory owned by Jiangsu Guotai Guosheng Co. Ltd ( 江苏国泰国盛实业有限 公司),267 a company that produces clothing and textiles. It’s under the Jiangsu Guotai International Group (江苏国 泰国际集团).
According to a US-based international textiles business platform, Jiangsu Guotai Guosheng supplies a large number of brands, including Abercrombie
& Fitch, American Eagle, Anthropologie, Calvin Klein, Costco, Diesel, DKNY, Dress Barn, Free People, Guess, Hollister, JCPenney, Kohl’s, Levi’s, Macy’s, Polo Ralph Lauren, Target, Tommy Hilfiger, Urban Outfitters, Walmart and ZARA.268 Abercrombie & Fitch said it ‘does not believe’ it uses this factory. Zara’s owner Inditex said that the company has not directly engaged Shandong Zoucheng Guosheng directly, nor indirectly as declared by any supplier.
A 2019 state media report
said that Shandong company, Jianhua Zhongxing Glove Co. Ltd, had 20 satellite factories in
Xinjiang and had ‘trained’ some
269
2,000 local workers.
Shandong Jianhua Zhongxing
Glove Co. Ltd (山东建华中兴手
套股份有限公司) manufactures
270
various winter activity gloves.
Zhongxing Glove’s website says its products have been exported all over the world, including to the US, Canada, the EU, Japan, and Russia.
The company mainly produces
271
under the brand KINEED.
38
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Labour transfer schemes within Xinjiang under ‘Xinjiang Aid’
Chinese factories involved
International brands supplied by factory
In 2019, Shanghai’s Xinjiang Aid efforts include having Yecheng Xiaoxiang Textile Co. provide ‘vocational training’ to some
272
100 women for 45 days. The training was reportedly to change the women’s
planned to ‘train’ 2,000 more
274
thoughts.
rural labourers.
273
It was also reported that the company
Yecheng county Xiaoxiang Textile Co. Ltd (叶城县潇湘 纺织有限公司), established by Shanghai Aid efforts, manufactures cotton clothing; sleepwear; school,
work or nurse uniforms;
275
and beachwear.
Xiaoxiang Textiles uses the platform Alibaba to receive orders from North American, European and Middle Eastern
276
including orders from Guangdong, Langfang and
overseas. 572,000 orders were from the US, primarily for nurse uniforms, surgical gowns and other hospital attire.
high-end clothing brands.
In 2019, it received orders for more than 1 million
garments,
277
In May 2017, Qingdao Jifa Huajin Garment Co. Ltd announced the opening of its industrial park in Shule
In May 2018, it was reported that
county, Xinjiang.
Qingdao Jifa was ‘training’ employees at the industrial park and set to employ 1,000
279
Xinjiang workers.
278
Qingdao Jifa Huajin Garment Co. Ltd (青岛即发华锦服装有 限公司), part of the Qingdao Jifa Group (青岛即发集团), manufactures business shirts and other apparel.
According to its website, Qingdao Jifa works with Abercrombie & Fitch, Adidas, Decathlon, Nike and Uniqlo. A profile of Jifa CEOs in local media said the company also works with Carrefour, Gap and Walmart.281 Abercrombie & Fitch told ASPI it ‘does not believe’ it sources from this factory. Nike has denied any relationship with Qingdao Jifa in a media statement, online.
280
According to an official notice, in late 2019, Mongolküre county held a ‘job fair’ to organise labour transfers. Changji Esquel Textile Co. Ltd was among the participating
282
Esquel set up three spinning mills in Xinjiang to be close to the region’s cotton fields. In May 2019, Esquel’s CEO told the Wall Street Journal that in 2017, officials began offering the company Uyghur workers from
southern Xinjiang and Esquel
283
companies.
took 34 in total in 2 years.
Changji Esquel Textile Co. Ltd (溢达纺织有限公司) manufactures textiles and apparel. It owns a number
of factories and subsidiaries
284
in Xinjiang.
Customers listed on Esquel’s website include Apple, Banana Republic, Brooks Brothers, Calvin Klein, Charles Tyrwhitt, Fila, Giordano, Hazzys,
Hugo Boss, J. Crew, Jack & Jones, Jos. A. Bank, Lacoste, Land’s End, Li-Ning, Muji, Nautica, Nike, Patagonia, Ralph Lauren, Shimamura and Tommy Hilfiger.285 Esquel denies ever using forced labor, and says its Uyghur employees are ‘paid and respected for their work the same as any other Esquel employee’. Nike has denied any relationship with Esquel in a media statement, online.
39

Acronyms and abbreviations
ASPI
BOE
CCP
Foxconn Fuying Highbroad Hubei Yihong HYP
ILO
NGO O-Film Taekwang
Australian Strategic Policy Institute BOE Technology Group Co. Ltd Chinese Communist Party Foxconn Technology
Fuying Photoelectric Co. Ltd
Hefei Highbroad Advanced Material Co. Ltd
Hubei Yihong Precision Manufacturing Co. Ltd Haoyuanpeng Clothing Manufacturing Co. Ltd International Labour Organization Non-governmental organisation
O-Film Technology Co. Ltd
Qingdao Taekwang Shoes Co. Ltd; Taekwang Group
40
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

Notes
1 The Chinese government’s ‘re-education’ policies have mainly targeted the Uyghurs but also other Turkic speaking Muslim minorities such as the Kazakhs, Uzbeks, Tartars, Tajiks, Kyrgyz and Hui. This report refers to them collectively as ‘Uyghurs’ or ‘ethnic minorities’ for brevity.
2 ‘Detention camps’ and ‘re-education camps’ are used interchangeably in this paper.
3 ‘Xinjiang Aid, to the hearts of the masses’ (对口援疆,做到群众心坎上), Anhui Guoyuan Financial Holdings Group Co. Ltd (安徽国元金融控股集团有限责任公司), 26 July 2018, online; ‘Hotan migrant workers find employment in Jiangxi Nanchang’s high-tech enterprises’ (和田外出务工人员在江西南昌高新企业就业掠 影), Hotan People’s government (和田市人民政府), 8 April 2019, online.
4 Yu Mingtong (于明彤), ‘Guangdong industry Xinjiang Aid: Helping Kashgar ethnic women find employment’ (广东产业援疆 助力喀什少数民族妇女就业), International Online (国际在线), 9 November 2018, online; “Xinjiang Aid”, to the hearts of the masses’ (对口援疆,做到群众心坎上), Anhui Guoyuan Financial Holdings Group Co. Ltd (安徽国元金融控股集团有限责任公司), 26 July 2018, online.
5 ‘Nilka, Xinjiang: Multiple measures to explore for improving model of organised rural labour transfer employment outside of Xinjiang’ (新疆尼勒克:多措并举探索提升农村劳动力疆外有组织转移就业新模 式), Xinjiang Public Employment Net (新疆公共就业服务网), 25 June 2019, online.
6 Guidelines for Guangdong enterprises to hire Xinjiang workers (trial) (广东企业招用新疆籍劳动者指引 (试用), Guangdong Employment Service Administration (广东省就业服务管理局), 18 January 2019, online.
For additional details on the security measures and government minders, see section ‘Forced
Uyghur Labour’.
7 Rick Noack, ‘In a first, 22 nations condemned China’s repression of Uigher Muslims. Without the US’, The Washington Post, 12 July 2019, online.
8 See the United State’s Tariff Act of 1930, online, and Australia’s Modern Slavery Act 2018, online.
9 Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930, online.
10 Adrian Zenz, ‘Brainwashing, police guards, and coercive internment: evidence from Chinese government documents about the nature and extent of Xinjiang’s “vocational training internment camps”‘, Journal of Political Risk, July 2019, 7(7), online; Fergus Ryan, Danielle Cave and Nathan Ruser, Mapping Xinjiang’s ‘re-education’ camps, ASPI, Canberra, 1 November 2018, online.
11 James Leibold, ‘Despite China’s denials, its treatment of the Uyghurs should be called what it is: cultural genocide’, The Conversation, 24 July 2019, online.
12 Rob Schmitz, ‘Ex-detainee describes torturer in China’s Xinjiang re-education camp’, NPR, 13 November 2018, online.
13 Mu Xuequan, ‘China Focus: Xinjiang determined in counter-terrorism, deradicalization, maintaining development’, Xinhua Net, 10 December 2019, online.
14 ‘Trainees in Xinjiang education, training program have all graduated’, Xinhua, 9 December 2019, online.
15 In 2019, investigations conducted by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre revealed that Australian companies Cotton On and Target were at risk of using forced labour in their supply chains. Sophie McNeill, Jeanavive McGregor, Meredith Griffiths, Michael Walsh, Echo Hui, Bang Xiao, ‘Cotton On and Target investigate suppliers after forced labour of Uyghurs exposed in China’s Xinjiang’, Four Corners, ABC News, 17 July 2019, online; Nathan Ruser, ‘What satellite imagery reveals about Xinjiang’s ‘re-education’ camps and coerced labour’, The Strategist, 16 July 2019, online; Adrian Zenz, ‘Xinjiang’s new slavery’, Foreign Policy, 11 December 2019, online; Amy Lehr and Mariefaye Bechrakis, ‘Comnecting the Dots in Xinjiang: Forced Labour, Forced Assimilation and Western Supply Chains,’ A Report of the CSIS Human Rights Initiative, Center for Strategic and International Studies, October 2019, online.
16 Steve Hess, ‘Dividing and conquering the shop floor: Uyghur labour export and labour segmentation in China’s industrial east’, Central Asian Survey, December 2009, 28(4), 404, online.
17 The appendix lists all Chinese and global brands implicated, as well as the cities and provinces in China where the factories are known to be using Uyghur labour.
18 This estimate is based on data collected from Chinese state media and official government notices.
19 ‘Xinjiang Human Resources and Social Security Department: Strengthening labour cooperation in the region to promote long-term stable employment’ (新疆自治区人力资源和社会保障厅:强化区内劳务协作 促进长期稳定就业), Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, People’s Republic of China (中华人 民共和国人力资源和社会保障部), 11 January 2019, online.
41

20 Chris Buckley and Austin Ramzy, ‘Inside China’s push to turn Muslim minorities into an army of workers’, New York Times, 30 December 2019, online.
21 Interim measures for the management of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region’s rural surplus labour forces to transfer employment to reward funds (新疆维吾尔自治区农村富余劳动力转移就业以奖代补资金管理暂 行办法), online.
22 Bill Birtles, ‘China defends “vocational training centres” amid international pressure over mass Uighur detentions’, ABC News, 17 October 2018, online.
23 Work report of the People’s government of Moyu county in 2019 (2019年墨玉县人民政府工作报告), Moyu county government Network (墨玉县政府网), 12 November 2019, online.
24 Special Action Programme to Combat Forced Labour, ILO indicators of forced labour, International Labour Organization, 1 October 2012, online.
25 Under the 1930 Forced Labour Convention, forced labour is ‘all work or service which is exacted from any person under the threat of a penalty and for which the person has not offered himself or herself voluntarily’. The 2014 Forced Labour Protocol, Article 1(3), reaffirms the 1930 convention’s definition. See Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour, 1930 (No.29), online, and Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930, online.
26 ‘Xinjiang Lop county: Leave as industrial workers, return as excellent public speakers’ (新疆洛浦县:外出 成产业工人 返乡是优秀宣讲员), Phoenix News (凤凰新闻), 12 December 2017, online. In March 2019, the press office of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region government told AFP that there was ‘no labour contract between education and training centres and enterprises’ and that ‘no enterprise obtains labour from training centres’; Agence France-Press, ‘China turns Muslim ‘re-education’ camp detainees into cheap labour force, human rights group claims’, South China Morning Post, 4 March 2019, online.
27 Darren Byler, ‘How companies profit from forced labour in Xinjiang’, supchina, 4 September 2019, online;
Ye Ling, ‘Released from Camps, Uyghurs Subjected to Forced Labor’, Bitter Winter, 23 December 2019, online.
28 Zhu Yongfeng (朱勇峰), ‘The first batch of 50 workers from Nilka county goes to Jiangsu KTK Group’ (尼勒克 县首批50名赴江苏今创集团务工), China Labour and Social Security News (中国劳动保障新闻网),
15 May 2019, online.
29 Yu Tao (于涛), ‘Xinjiang workers depart to return home to Xinjiang for the first time this winter’ (新疆今 冬首趟进疆务工人员返乡专列发车), Xinhua News (新华网), 7 November 2019, online. Before the 2017 crackdown, ‘surplus labour’ mostly referred to rural labour, but in recent years different types of labour transfer, including of rural labour and former detainees, have often been lumped together as ‘surplus labour’ to meet bigger targets.
30 Simaier Human Resources (斯麦尔人力), ‘Important notice’ (重要通知), Labour Dispatch Forum (劳务派遣 吧), Baidu, 27 October 2019, online; ‘1,000 minorities, awaiting online booking’ (1000少数民族,在线等预 约), Baidu HR Forum (百度 HR吧), 27 November 2019, online.
31 ‘Strengthening patriotism education and building a bridge of national unity’ (加强爱国主义教育搭建民族 团结连心桥), China Ethnic Religion Net (中国民族宗教网), 7 November 2019, online.
32 Nilka, Xinjiang: Multiple measures to explore for improving model of organised rural labour transfer employment outside of Xinjiang’ (新疆尼勒克:多措并举探索提升农村劳动力疆外有组织转移就业新模 式), Xinjiang Public Employment Net (新疆公共就业服务网), 25 June 2019, online.
33 Xinjiang Autonomous Region Human Resources and Social Security Department: Strengthening labour cooperation in the region to promote long-term stable employment (新疆自治区人力资源和社会保障厅:强 化区内劳务协作 促进长期稳定就业), Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, People’s Republic of China (中华人民共和国人力资源和社会保障部), 11 January 2019, online; ‘Guidelines for Guangdong Enterprises to hire Xinjiang Workers (Trial)’ (广东企业招用新疆籍劳动者指引 (试用)), Guangdong Employment Service Administration (广东省就业服务管理局), 18 January 2019, online.
34 ‘To change a family’s destiny, these rural women workers from Xinjiang came to Qingdao. What did they experience?’ (伟改变家庭命运 这些新疆农村女工来到青岛 她们经历了什么?), CCTV News Public Account (央视新闻公众号) Sina Finance (新浪财经), 21 September 2016, online.
35 According to a report by CSIS, the Chinese government permits factories to pay Uyghur workers in Xinjiang significantly lower than minimum wage. In some instances they’re not paid at all. Amy K. Lehr & Mariefaye Bechrakis, ‘Connecting the Dots in Xinjiang: Forced Labor, Forced Assimilation, and Western Supply Chains’, A Report of the CSIS Human Rights Initiative, 16 October 2019, online.
36 Cao Siqi, ‘Vocational centers in Xinjiang will disappear when society no longer needs them: official’, Global Times, 12 March 2019, online.
37 ‘Hotan Prefecture’s innovative mechanism promotes labour transfer employment’ (和田地区创新机制助推 劳动力转移就业), Xinhua News (新华网), 23 May 2017, online.
42
Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

38 ‘Hotan Prefecture’s innovative mechanism promotes labour transfer employment’ (和田地区创新机制助推 劳动力转移就业), Xinhua News (新华网), 23 May 2017, online.
39 A Chinese messaging app.
40 The language used in the Xinjiang Human Resources and Social Affairs Department document appears to be intentionally vague. The smartphone app used to record information about Uyghur workers is unnamed, and ASPI hasn’t been able to find relevant information to identify the app.
41 ‘To change a family’s destiny, these rural women workers from Xinjiang came to Qingdao. What did they experience?’ (伟改变家庭命运 这些新疆农村女工来到青岛 她们经历了什么?), CCTV News Public Account (央视新闻公众号) Sina Finance (新浪财经), 21 September 2016, online.
42 ‘Four prefectures in southern Xinjiang press the fast-forward button to fight poverty’ (南疆四地州按下脱贫 攻坚快进键), Smart Farm 361 (智农361), 20 September 2018, online.
43 Nilka, Xinjiang: Multiple measures to explore for improving model of organised rural labour transfer employment outside of Xinjiang’ (新疆尼勒克:多措并举探索提升农村劳动力疆外有组织转移就业新模 式), Xinjiang Public Employment Net (新疆公共就业服务网), 25 June 2019, online.
44 Ye Ling, ‘Released from Camps, Uyghurs Subjected to Forced Labor’, Bitter Winter, 23 December 2019, online.
45 Ye Ling, ‘Released from Camps, Uyghurs Subjected to Forced Labor’, Bitter Winter, 23 December 2019, online.
46 Article 4 of the Chinese Constitution states: ‘All nationalities in the People’s Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the relationship of equality, unity, and mutual assistance among all of China’s nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any nationality are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited. The state helps the areas inhabited by minority nationalities speed up their economic and cultural development in accordance with the peculiarities and needs of the different minority nationalities.’ The National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, 4 December 1982, online.
47 ‘Strengthening patriotism education and building a bridge of national unity’ (加强爱国主义教育搭建民族 团结连心桥), China Ethnic Religion Net (中国民族宗教网), 7 Nov 2019, online. According to state media,
by the end of 2019, there were around 800 Uyghur workers at Taekwang. According to the Washington Post, by January 2020, there were 600 Uyghur workers there.
48 ‘Group profile’, Jeongsan International, no date, online; ‘Nike Global Manufacturing data export—filters applied: ((none))’ Nike, August 2019, online.
49 ‘From here to a brand new life—Xinjiang Hotan, Kashgar Vocational Skills Education and Training Center’ (从这里,走向崭新生活—新疆和田,喀什职业技能教育培训中心见闻), Xinhua News (新华网),
5 November 2018, online.
50 ‘Strengthening patriotism education and building a bridge of national unity’ (加强爱国主义教育搭建民族 团结连心桥), China Ethnic Religion Net (中国民族宗教网), 7 November 2019, online.
51 ‘Muslim minority in China’s Xinjiang face ‘political indoctrination’: Human Rights Watch’, Reuters, 10 September 2018, online.
52 Lauren Thomas, ‘70% of shoes sold in the US come from China. With new tariffs, the industry braces for a hit’, CNBC, 2 August 2019, online.
53 Nike has published policies prohibiting forced labour at its supplier facilities. In a 2019 company statement on forced labour and modern slavery it says it requires suppliers to address key risks of forced labour and lays out what it says are ‘minimum standards we expect each supplier factory or facility to meet’. ‘Company introduction’ (公司简介), Qingdao Taekwang Shoes Co. Ltd (青岛泰光制鞋有限公司), online; Nike, ‘Human Rights and Labor Compliance Standards’, online; Nike, ‘Statement on Forced Labor, Human Trafficking
and Modern Slavery for fiscal year 2019’, online. Nike responded to the allegations in this report in a media statement, online.
54 A department under the CCP’s Central Committee.
55 ‘Municipal United Front Work Department’s “Pomegranate Seed” Night School: a look into Qingdao Taekwang’s Mandarin classes’ (市委统战部’ 石榴籽’ 夜校 走进青岛泰光举办普通话培训班), Laixi United Front (莱西统一战线), WeChat, 1 July 2019, online.
56 ‘Xi Jinping: China’s ethnic groups should closely embrace one another like pomegranate seeds’ (习近平:各民族要像石榴籽那样紧紧抱在一起), China Communist Party News (中国共产党新闻网), 28 September 2015, online.
57 Anna Fifield, ‘China compels Uighurs to work in shoe factory that supplies Nike’, Washington Post, 29 February 2020, online.
58 Isolation of workers and abuse of their vulnerabilities (such as a lack of knowledge of the local language) are two indicators of forced labour, according to the ILO; International Labour Office, ILO indicators of forced labour, International Labour Organization, Geneva, 1 October 2012, online.
43

59 ‘Let the seeds of national unity be rooted in the heart—The Women’s Federation of the Municipality truly cares for minority female workers’ (让民族团结的种子根植心–市妇联真情关爱少数民族女工侧记), Discover Qingdao (发现青岛), Sohu, 9 October 2019, online.
60 Recruitment advertisements for staff in the internment camps reportedly state that experience in psychological training is a plus. Sigal Samuel, ‘China is treating Islam like a mental illness’, The Atlantic, 28 August 2018, online.
61 ‘The Party Committee of the Municipal Public Security Bureau organised a joint activity of the educational branch with the theme of ‘Don’t forget the original heart and keep the mission in mind’’ ((学习) 市公安局党 委组织开展 ’不忘初心、牢记使命’ 主题教育支部联建活动), Laixi News (莱西新闻), WeChat, online.
62 ‘Interview with Yang Guoqiang, Chief Commander of Shandong Province and Deputy Secretary of Xinjiang Kashgar Party Committee’ (国家援疆新闻平台专访山东省援疆总指挥、新疆喀什地委副书记杨国强), China Development Network (中国发展网), 27 April 2018, online.
63 ‘Outstanding humanistic care, strengthening employment security; Qingdao’s Laixi county steadily carrying out service management work for Xinjiang ethnic minorities’ (突出人文关怀 强化就业保障 青岛莱西市扎 实开展新疆籍少数民族人员服务管理工作), Qingdao Ethnicity and Religion Bureau (青岛市民族宗教局), 19 April 2017, online.
64 ‘Mass instances’ generally refers to any spontaneous or organised acts of unrest or rioting in Chinese. ‘Outstanding humanistic care, strengthening employment security; Qingdao’s Laixi county steadily carrying out service management work for Xinjiang ethnic minorities’ (突出人文关怀 强化就业保障 青岛莱西市扎 实开展新疆籍少数民族人员服务管理工作), Qingdao Ethnicity and Religion Bureau (青岛市民族宗教局), 19 April 2017, online.
65 In China, auxiliary police are unarmed officers hired through contracts. Since 2017, Xinjiang has filled a
large number of security-related positions, including auxiliary police officers. Gan, ‘Xinjiang’s police hiring binge comes from party boss’s Tibet playbook’; ‘Shandong Qingdao recruits 40 auxiliary policemen with a monthly salary of 4500, can sign up for specialized training’ (山东青岛招聘40名辅警月薪4500 专科就可以 报名), Auxiliary Police Officers (警务辅助人员), WeChat, 19 January 2018, online.
66 Austin Ramzy, ‘He needed a Job. China gave him one: locking up his fellow Muslims’, New York Times, 2 March 2019, online.
67 ‘A letter of gratitude from Hotan workers: We are doing well in Shandong!’ (一封内地和田籍务工人员的感 谢信:我们在山东挺好的!), NetEase (网易), 29 January 2018, online.
68 Alexander Chipman Koty, Qian Zhou, ‘A guide to minimum wages in China’, China Briefing, 2 January 2020, online.
69 The letter also mentions a ‘leading cadre’—likely a minder—who translates instructions and teaches the workers the spirit of the 19th Communist Party Congress after work. It appears that the minder was responsible for teaching Mandarin before the establishment of the Pomegranate Seed Night School.
70 James Leibold, ‘Ethnic policy in China: is reform inevitable?’, Policy Studies, 2013, no. 68, East–West Center, online.
71 According to the 2008 annual report of the US Congressional Executive Commission on China, ‘local officials, following direction from higher levels of government, have used ‘deception, pressure, and threats’ toward young women and their families to gain recruits into the labour transfer program.’ Congress-Executive Commission on China (CECC), 2018 Annual Report, 10 October 2018, online.
72 Steve Hess, ‘Dividing and conquering the shop floor: Uyghur labour export and labour segmentation in China’s industrial east’, Central Asian Survey, December 2009, 28(4), 404, online.
73 Tania Branigan, ‘Ethnic violence in China leaves 140 dead’, The Guardian, 6 July 2009, online.
74 ‘Successive ‘Xinjiang Aid’ conferences evidence of changes in Xinjiang’s governance strategy’,
(历次援新疆会议 见证治疆政变迁), Sohu, 24 July 2014, online.
75 Li Yuhui, China’s assistance program in Xinjiang, Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland, 2018.
76 Four years before the 2017 crackdown in Xinjiang, terms such as ‘vocational training’ and ‘strengthening and improving ideological and political education’ began appearing in ‘Xinjiang Aid’ conference materials. ‘Fourth National ‘Xinjiang Aid’ Conference held in Beijing’ (第四次全国对口支援新疆工作会议在北京召 开), Central government Portal (中央政府门户网站), 24 September 2013, online; Fergus Ryan, Danielle Cave, Nathan Ruser, ‘Mapping Xinjiang’s ‘re-education’ camps’, ASPI, Canberra, 1 November 2018, online.
77 James Leibold, ‘The spectre of insecurity: the CCP’s mass internment strategy in Xinjiang’, China Leadership Monitor, 59 (Spring 2019), online.
78 See, for example, ‘‘Six batches’ boosted employment of 100,000 people in Kashgar’s Hotan in three years’ ( ’六个一批’ 助推喀什和田地区三年就业十万人), Xinhua News (新华网), 11 May 2017, online.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

79 ‘Xinjiang focuses on 22 deeply impoverished counties (cities) planning to transfer 100,000 jobs in 3 years’ (新疆聚焦22个深度贫困县(市)计划3年转移就业10万人), Xinhua News (新华网), 10 January 2018, online.
80 Yan Hailong (闫海龙), Thoughts and suggestions on human resources development in the three regions of southern ‘Xinjiang Aid’ work (关于对口援疆工作中南疆三地州人力资源开发的思考与建议), Institute of Economic Research of Xinjiang Development and Reform (新疆维吾尔自治区发展和改革委员会经济研究 院), 22 May 2012, online.
81 ‘Xianning opens ‘green channel’ for Xinjiang’s organised labour export’, (咸宁为新疆籍有组织劳务输出开 辟’ 绿色通道’ ), United Front of Jingchu (荆楚统战), Headlines Express (看点快报), 18 May 2018, online.
82 Satellite factories are subsidiary company factories established in Xinjiang by parent companies throughout China. This paper will refer to them just as factories for brevity.
83 Han Qinyan (韩沁言), ‘Industry aids Xinjiang for development’ (产业援疆促发展), Xinhua News (新华网), 3 January 2020, online.
84 ‘Company introduction’ (公司简介), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公司), online.
85 Autonomous region’s economic structure is stable and has good development (自治区经济结构稳中有活 发 展良好), Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Development and Reform Commission (新疆维吾尔自治区 发展和改革委员会), 5 December 2018, online.
86 Work report of the People’s government of Moyu county in 2019 (2019年墨玉县人民政府工作报告), Moyu county government Network (墨玉县政府网), 12 November 2019, online.
87 A 2017 report from local media in Kashgar stated that officials from the county’s bureau of human resources travelled to other Chinese provinces to negotiate employment placements prior to months of ‘Winter Youth Education and Training’—a form of re-education including political indoctrination and militarised discipline that usually lasts a few months. See ‘High level collaboration in Winter Youth Education and Training in Kashgar’ (高位推动 通力协作 喀什地区冬季青年教育培训工作如火如荼), Kashgar Zero Distance (喀什零 距离), 16 February 2017, online.
88 Our research relied on publicly available notices of labour transfers reported by government sources and local media. Not all labour transfers are reported in media sources, and available numbers suggest that this map is incomplete. The actual numbers are likely to be far higher.
89 ‘Xinjiang’s Kashgar and Hotan Prefectures’ rural surplus labour transfer employment project has been implemented for two years now’ (新疆喀什和田农村富余劳动力转移就业工程实施两年来), Ningxia News (宁夏新闻网), 15 November 2018, online.
90 ‘Transfer employment 2,410 labourers in poverty from Southern Xinjiang’ (南疆2410名贫困劳动力转移就 业), China Western Development Promotion Association (中国西部开发促进会), online.
91 ‘In 2017, 2.75 million rural surplus labourers were transferred for employment’ (2017新疆农村富余劳动力转 移就业275万人次), Xinjiang Daily (新疆日报), 9 January 2018, online.
92 According to state media, by November of 2018, Xinjiang transferred 25,378 people to other provinces for employment that year. Extrapolating this figure for the full calendar year, ASPI estimates that 28,000 people would have been transferred out of Xinjiang in 2018 in total. ‘2.8 million rural surplus labor transfers for employment in the first 11 months (of the year) in Xinjiang’ (前11月新疆近280万人次农村富余劳动力转移 就业), Xinjiang Daily (新疆日报), 26 December 2018, online.
93 According to state media, in the first half of 2019, the Xinjiang government organized transfers of 15,459 people to ‘Xinjiang Aid’ areas in eastern and central China. ASPI estimates that this puts the whole year’s figure at around 32,000. Xinhua (新华网), ‘Nearly 1.76 million Xinjiang rural surplus labour transfers in the first half of the year’ (新疆上半年农村富余劳动力转移就业近176万人次), China News (中国新闻网),
19 July 2019, online.
94 Information on targets and transfers for the years before 2017 is scarce. However, the limited data suggests that there’s been significant growth in recent years. From 2014 to mid-2018, Nilka, a small county in Xinjiang, reportedly transferred 390 people to work in other provinces of China. In the first six months of 2019, the county transferred 551 people outside of Xinjiang. ‘Transfer employment ‘transfers’ to a new life’ (转移就 业’ 转’ 出生活新气象), Nilka county government (尼勒克县政府网), 20 June 2019, online.
95 ‘In 2017, 2.75 million rural surplus labourers were transferred for employment’ (2017新疆农村富余劳动力转 移就业275万人次), Xinjiang Daily (新疆日报), 9 January 2018, online.
96 ‘Multiple employment ‘dividends’ in Xinjiang help fight poverty’ (新疆多项就业 ’红利’ 助力脱贫攻坚), Xinhua News (新华网), 4 March 2019, online.
97 A Chinese search engine.
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98 The labour transfer programs that have included former detainees have also been referred to in official sources as ‘rural surplus labour’. ‘The maximum salary is over 5,000 yuan, with a deposit of 30,000 a year. Jiashi students’ employment in the mainland shows results’, Foshan News Network, 25 April 2019, online.
99 ‘Interim measures for the management of Xinjiang’s Uyghur Autonomous Region’s rural surplus labour forces to transfer employment to reward funds’ (新疆维吾尔自治区农村富余劳动力转移就业以奖代补资 金管理暂行办法), online.
100 ‘‘Six batches’ boosts employment of 100,000 people in Kashgar Prefecture and Hotan Prefecture in three years’ ( ’六个一批’ 助推喀什和田地区三年就业十万人), Xinhua News (新华网), 11 May 2017, online. The policies discussed in this notice include the ‘Organised transfer for employment for surplus labour in Kashgar and Hotan regions’ (喀什和田地区城乡富余劳动力有组织转移就业) and ‘Three-year poverty alleviation plan for poverty-stricken areas in four south Xinjiang prefectures’ (南疆四地州深度贫困地区就 业扶贫三年计划) labour transfer initiatives, both of which include transfers inside and outside Xinjiang.
101 Chipman Koty, Zhou, ‘A guide to minimum wages in China’.
102 ‘Our company provides a large number of government workers to dispatching companies in Xinjiang’ (我司
提供大量政府新疆工人劳务派遣公司), Qingdao Human Resources Network (青岛德才人力资源网), online.
103 Companies working with the Chinese government under the ‘Xinjiang Aid’ program receive incentives to open up ‘satellite factories’ (卫星工厂) or workshops inside Xinjiang to absorb ‘surplus labour capacity’ (富余劳动力).
104 ‘Despite earning a lot of money elsewhere, why did he travel so far to South Xinjiang to start a business?’ (在别处赚的盆满钵满,为何他要遣赴南疆开荒创业?), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公 司), 15 October 2019, online; ‘Cooperative Brands’ (合作品牌), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装 有限公司), online.
105 ‘Guangdong’s aid to Xinjiang actively promotes the transfer of labour from the aided places to other provinces of China’ (广东援疆积极推动受援地劳动力向内地转移就业成效明显), Voice of Guangdong Aid (广东援疆之声), 23 June 2018, online.
106 ‘Guangdong’s aid to Xinjiang actively promotes the transfer of labour from the aided places to other provinces of China’ (广东援疆积极推动受援地劳动力向内地转移就业成效明显), Voice of Guangdong Aid (广东援疆之声), 23 June 2018, online.
107 Enrolment in the ‘vocational’ facility has had an abnormally rapid increase since 2017. Official figures show that the school went from 500 students in 2013 to more than 7,000 in 2019; ‘Thanks to Foshan’s ‘Xinjiang Aid’ team, this girl from Payziwat county, Xinjiang, who wanted to drop out of school, is now a university student’ (因为佛山援疆干部,这位曾想辍学的新疆伽师姑娘成了大学生), Tencent (腾讯网), online. A mobile police station was set up at the entrance and 11 additional security checkpoints were built around its perimeter, which is fully enclosed by a tall fence and solid brick walls. Beginning in early 2017, seven new dormitory-style buildings were constructed alongside five prefabricated factory buildings, strongly suggesting that the former school was converted into a re-education camp where ethnic minorities are arbitrarily detained and politically indoctrinated. In August 2018, the school advertised for new officials
to oversee the implementation of ‘military-style management’ (军事化管理) at the school, as it sought
to ‘foster discipline and more closely watch over students’. Recruitment brochure of Jiashi Secondary Vocational Technical School (伽师县中等职业技术学校招聘简章), Payziwat county Human Resources Service Centre (伽师人力资源服务中心), Sohu, 9 August 2018, online. Satellite image collection and analysis conducted by Nathan Ruser, researcher at ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre.
108 In its 2016–17 budget, the Guangdong government promised Ұ960 million for ‘Xinjiang Aid’ to bring 47,800 jobs to Xinjiang. The following year, the government brought in a number of companies, including HYP,
to assist in opening satellite factories in Xinjiang. ‘Guangdong aids Xinjiang: letting people live and work in peace is most important to people’s livelihood’ (广东对口援疆:民生为重让百姓安居乐业), Xinjiang Morning Newspaper (新疆晨报), Sina Xinjiang (新浪新疆), 2 November 2018, online.
109 ‘Despite earning a lot of money elsewhere, why did he travel so far to South Xinjiang to start a business?’ (在别处赚的盆满钵满,为何他要 赴南疆开荒创业?), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公 司), 15 October 2019, online.
110 Apple supplier responsibility: supplier list, Apple, 2019, online.
111 ‘Apple CEO Cook tours O-Film Technology Co. Ltd: iPhone X/8 selfie screams “cheese”‘ (‘苹果CEO库克参 观欧菲光科技:iPhone X/8自拍大喊’茄子’), IT Home (IT之家), 6 December 2017, online; The original Weibo post can only be accessed with a Weibo login, online; ‘Apple CEO Cook visits and praises the technical level and cultural environment of our company’ (苹果CEO库克来访 点赞我司技术水平和人文环境), O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, 7 December 2017, online.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

112 Apple supplier responsibility: supplier list, Apple, 2019, online.
113 ‘About us’, O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, online; ‘CMOS camera module’, O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, online.
114 ‘Over 1200 surplus labourers from Lop county heads to mainland China for work’ (洛浦县1200余名城乡富余 劳动力赴内地务工), Hotan Daily Newspaper (和田日报) via China Xinjiang, 11 May 2017, online.
115 ‘Over 1200 surplus labourers from Lop county head to mainland China for work’ (洛浦县1200余名城乡富余 劳动力赴内地务工), Hotan Daily Newspaper (和田日报) via China Xinjiang, 11 May 2017, online.
116 ‘Over 1200 surplus labourers from Lop county head to mainland China for work’ (洛浦县1200余名城乡富余 劳动力赴内地务工), Hotan Daily Newspaper (和田日报) via China Xinjiang, 11 May 2017, online.
117 ‘Apple CEO Cook visits and praises the technical level and cultural environment of our company’ (苹果CEO 库克来访 点赞我司技术水平和人文环境), O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, 7 December 2017, online.
118 ‘Apple CEO Cook visits and praises the technical level and cultural environment of our company’ (苹果CEO 库克来访 点赞我司技术水平和人文环境), O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, 7 December 2017, online.
119 ‘Hotan migrant workers find employment in Jiangxi Nanchang’s high-tech enterprises’ (和田外出务工人员 在江西南昌高新企业就业掠影), Hotan People’s government (和田市人民政府), 8 April 2019, online.
120 ‘Xinjiang Lop county: Leave as industrial workers, return as excellent public speakers’ (新疆洛浦县:外出成 产业工人 返乡是优秀宣讲员), Phoenix News (凤凰新闻), 12 December 2017, online.
121 Henan aids Hami City, Xinjiang in advancing poverty alleviation’ (河南援疆助力哈密 固提升脱贫攻坚), Hami City Party Building Net (哈密市党建网), 6 September 2019, online; David Barbosa, ‘How China Built ‘iPhone City’ With Billions in Perks for Apple’s Partner’, The New York Times, 29 December 2016, online.
122 Jamie Condliffe, ‘Foxconn Is Under Scrutiny for Worker Conditions. It’s Not the First Time.’, The New York Times, 11 June 2018, online.
123 ‘Demystifying Zhengzhou’s Apple City: Half of the world’s iPhones are made here’ (揭秘郑州苹果城:全球一 半iPhone产自这里), Tencent Technology (腾讯科技), 18 September 2017, online.
124 Phoebe Zhang, ‘Apple iPhone 11 launch marred by claims Foxconn factory broke labour laws’, South China Morning Post, 9 September 2019, online.
125 Jamie Fullerton, ‘Suicide at Chinese iPhone factory reignites concern over working conditions’,
The Telegraph, 7 January 2018, online; Yuan Yang, ‘Apple’s iPhone X assembled by illegal student labour’, Financial Times, 21 November 2017, online.
126 ‘Precision poverty assistance, the Group enters Xinjiang’s Kashgar’ (助力精准扶贫集团走进新疆喀什地 区), Foxconn, 5 December 2018, online. In 2018, a Foxconn media release claimed that the company had donated 15 televisions to an army unit in Xinjiang and money to a Kashgar hospital. Foxconn’s company Communist Party branch also established a ‘joint development’ relationship with a border checkpoint in Xinjiang.
127 ‘Xianning, Hubei, opens up a ‘green tunnel’ for Xinjiang’s organised labour export’ (咸宁为新疆籍有组织劳 务输出开辟’ 绿色通道’ ), United Front of Jingchu (荆楚统战) via Headlines Express (看点快报),
18 May 2018, online.
128 ‘Xianning, Hubei, opens up a ‘green tunnel’ for Xinjiang’s organised labour export’ (咸宁为新疆籍有组织劳 务输出开辟’ 绿色通道’ ), United Front of Jingchu (荆楚统战) via Headlines Express (看点快报),
18 May 2018, online.
129 ‘Yidong Overview’ (奕东简介), Dongguan Yidong Electronic Co. Ltd (东莞市奕东电子有限公司), online.
130 ‘Collaborative customers’ (合作客户), Dongguan Yidong Electronic Co. Ltd (东莞市奕东电子有限公司),
online.
131 Lauly Li and Cheng Tingfang, ‘Exclusive: Apple turns to China to double AirPods Pro production’, Nikkei Asian Review, 27 November 2019, online.
132 Ainur helps family realise ‘supermarket dream’ (阿依努尔助力家人实现’超市梦), Hotan government (和田政府网), 31 July 2019, online.
133 Xinhua (新华网), ‘Uyghur Hefei—Ainur: Wishes come true 3,500 kilometres away’ (维吾尔族合肥-阿依努 尔:愿望实现于3500公里之外), Chongqing News (重庆第一眼), 3 August 2019, online.
134 ‘Happiness is earned through struggle: girl from Pishan wants to stay in Hefei as a blue-collar worker’ ([幸福 是奋斗出来的] 皮山姑娘要留在合肥当蓝领), Tianshan Net (天山网), 19 March 2018, online.
135 The report also says that she was a student in Guma majoring in food processing.
136 Annual report (年度报告), Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co., Ltd. (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公 司), 2018, online.
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137 Huawei has a group-wide policy, signed in 2018, that acknowledges ‘the risk of modern slavery due to the complexity of global supply chains within the ICT industry’ and says it ‘will not tolerate forced, bonded (including debt bondage) or indentured labour, involuntary prison labour, slavery or trafficking of persons.’ The statement says that it audits its suppliers’ performance annually and discloses ‘records of all forced labour noncompliances’. Minglu Zhao, Statement on modern slavery, Huawei, 26 June 2018, online.
138 William Gallagher, ‘China’s BOE set to become Apple’s second-largest OLED screen supplier in 2021’, Apple Insider, 30 December 2019, online.
139 Apple supplier responsibility: supplier list, Apple, 2019, online. In its Supplier Responsibility Policy, online, Apple says it has ‘zero tolerance’ for bonded labour, conducts investigations where it is discovered and has instituted other programs designed to improve protections for at-risk workers in its supply chains.
140 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co. Ltd’ (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公司), online.
141 ‘Highbroad Advanced Materials (Hefei) Co., Ltd.’ (翰博高新材科(合肥)股份有限公司), 51Job, online.
142 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co., Ltd’ (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公司), China LCD Network (中华液晶网), online.
143 ‘Xinjiang Human Resources and Social Security Department: Strengthening labour cooperation in the region to promote long-term stable employment’ (新疆自治区人力资源和社会保障厅:强化区内劳务协作 促进长期稳定就业), Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, People’s Republic of China (中华人 民共和国人力资源和社会保障部), 11 January 2019, online.
144 ‘Let the seeds of national unity be rooted in the heart—a note on the true love and care among minority women workers’ (让民族团结的种子根植于心——市妇联真情关爱少数民族女工侧记), Laixi government Net (莱西政府网), 9 October 2019, online.
145 Lv Nanfang (吕楠芳), ‘Industry supports Xinjiang in ‘making blood’; women hold up half the sky!’ (产业援疆 来’ 造血’,妇女撑起半边天!), From Guangzhou (羊城派), Sina (新浪网), 30 December 2019, online.
146 The National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, 4 December 1982, online.
147 See the United State’s Tariff Act of 1930, online, and Australia’s Modern Slavery Act 2018, online. 148 Convention Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour, 1930 (No.29), online.
149 Convention Concerning the Abolition of Forced Labour, 1957 (No.105), online.
150 Protocol of 2014 to the Forced Labour Convention, 1930, online.
151 ‘62 surplus labourers from Nilka county head to Kunshan, Jiangsu for work’ (尼勒克62名富余劳动力前往昆 山市务工), China Agriculture Information Net (中国农业信息网), 26 June 2018, online.
152 ‘Transfer employment ‘transfers’ to a new life’ (转移就业’转’出生活新气象), Nilka county Government (尼勒克县政府网), 20 June 2019, online.
153 ‘First batch of 50 people from Nilka county go to Jiangsu Province KTK Group to work’ (尼勒克县首批 50名赴江苏今创集团务工), China Labour Safeguard News Agency (中国劳动保障新闻网), 15 May 2019, online; ‘Xinjiang Nilka county’s party and government delegation came to KTK Group to comfort 37 Xinjiang workers’ (新疆尼勒克党政代表团来今创慰问37名新疆员工), KTK Group (今创控股集团), 25 July 2018, online.
154 ‘Wujin, Xinjiang Aid task force: clever ‘addition’ sprint to finish up the year’ (武进援疆工作组:巧做’加法’冲 刺收官年), Wujin Party Network (武进党建网), 29 July 2019, online.
155 ‘Group introduction’ (集团介绍), KTK Group (今创控股集团), online.
156 ‘Strategic partners’ (合作伙伴), KTK Group (今创控股集团), online.
157 Clay Lucas, ‘More work done in China on new trains for Melbourne as delays mount’, The Age, 11 October 2019, online.
158 ‘Contract for Melbourne suburban train’, CRRC, 28 November 2016, online.
159 ‘Over 1200 surplus labourers from Lop county heads to mainland China for work’ (洛浦县1200余名城乡富余
劳动力赴内地务工), Hotan Daily Newspaper (和田日报) via China Xinjiang, 11 May 2017, online.
160 ‘Hotan migrant workers find employment in Jiangxi Nanchang’s high-tech enterprises’ (和田外出务工人员
在江西南昌高新企业就业掠影), Hotan People’s Government (和田市人民政府), 8 April 2019, online.
161 ‘Xinjiang Lop county: Leave as industrial workers, return as excellent public speakers’ (新疆洛浦县:外出成
产业工人 返乡是优秀宣讲员), Phoenix News (凤凰新闻), 12 December 2017, online. 162 ‘About us’, O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, online.
163 ‘About us’, O-Film Technology Co. Ltd, online.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

164 ‘Apple CEO Cook tours O-Film Technology Co. Ltd: iPhone X/8 selfie screams “cheese” (‘苹果CEO库克参观欧菲光科技:iPhone X/8自拍大喊’茄子’), IT Home (IT之家), 6 December 2017, online. Primary source, Weibo, online.
165 Apple supplier responsibility: supplier list, Apple, 2019, online.
166 ‘Apple CEO Cook tours O-Film Technology Co. Ltd: iPhone X/8 selfie screams “cheese” (‘苹果CEO库克参观欧菲光科技:iPhone X/8自拍大喊’茄子’), IT Home (IT之家), 6 December 2017, online. Primary source, Weibo, online.
167 ‘County Head Jiang of Tekes county, Xinjiang, comes to visit our Kazakh employees’ (新疆特克斯县江县长 带队看望在我司务工的哈萨克族员工), Nanjing Synergy Textiles Co. Ltd (南京新一棉纺织有限公司),
17 October 2018, online.
168 ‘Xinjiang Aid update: Labourers from Tekes county, Xinjiang: staying in Jiangning, Nanjing and experiencing a different kind of Spring Festival’ ([援疆动态]新疆特克斯劳务输出人员:留在江宁感受别样的春节), Nanjing Jiangning District People’s Government (南京市江宁区人民政府), 3 February 2019, online.
169 ‘Company introduction’ (企业简介), Nanjing Synergy Textiles Co. Ltd (南京新一棉纺织有限公司), 31 October 2011, online.
170 ‘Guanhua International Holdings Research Report: Galaxy International-Guanhua International Holdings-0539.HK-Factory Survey Summary-150727’ (冠华国际控股研究报告:银河国际-冠华国际控 股-0539.HK-工厂调研纪要-150727), Hui Yun Yan (慧云研), 28 July 2017, online.
171 Liu Li (刘丽), ‘Migrant workers gain both in pockets and in minds: Awat county’s labour export system organised for transfer employment and reduction of poverty’(外出务工既鼓口袋又富脑袋 阿瓦提县组织 劳务输出整建制转移就业扶贫效果好), Xinjiang Daily (新疆日报), 27 August 2018, online.
172 ‘About Hefei Meiling Co., Ltd.’ (合肥美菱股份有限公司简介), Fortune (财富), online.
173 ‘Product Centre’ (产品中心), Changhong Meiling Official Website (长虹美菱官网), online.
174 ‘Meiling Electric and Italy’s Candy Group reach strategic cooperation agreement’ (美菱电器与意大利Candy 集团达成战略合作), Phoenix Net Finance and Economics, 21 March 2017, online.
175 ‘Since the globalisation of Haier, Huawei and Lenovo, rethinking the Made in China’ (从海尔、华为、联想全 球化,再思考中国制造), Sina Technology (新浪科技), 2 December 2017, online; ‘Electrolux defeat revealed: foreign OEM brand’s products meet cold in China’ (伊莱克斯败相揭密:洋品牌代工产品在华遇冷),
Sina Science and Technology, 2 August 2017, online.
176 ‘Dongguan Xinjiang Aid team relieves 4446 Xinjiang people from poverty’ (东莞援疆工作队带动新疆4446人 增收脱贫), Economic Daily (经济日报) via China Xinjiang (中国新疆), 4 November 2019, online.
177 ‘Company Introduction’ (公司简介), Dongguan Lvzhou Shoes Industry Co. Ltd (东莞绿洲鞋业有限公司), online.
178 ‘Visiting intern students at Dongguan Lvzhou Shoes Industry Co. Ltd’ (至绿洲鞋业公司实地访视实习学生), Report of the Ministry of Education and affiliated institutions (教育部及部属机关(构)学校出国报告),
20 May 2019, online.
179 ‘Xinjiang Aid, to the hearts of the masses’ (对口援疆,做到群众心坎上), Anhui Guoyuan Financial Holdings Group Co. Ltd (安徽国元金融控股集团有限责任公司), 26 July 2018, online.
180 ‘Head of Anhui Xinjiang Aid goes to Anhui to dock for transfer employment’(安徽援疆指挥部赴皖对接转移 就业工作), Anhui Xinjiang Aid Net (安徽援疆网) via Guma county People’s Government (皮山县人民政府), 18 March 2019, online.
181 ‘[Annual Report] Youngor Group: Summary of 2018 annual report’ ([年报]雅戈尔:2018年年度报告摘要), Central University of Finance and Economics Network (中财网), 30 April 2019, online
182 Youngor owns a textile company in Xinjiang (新疆雅戈尔农业科技股份有限公司) and factories in Awat county (阿瓦提新雅棉业有限公司), Aksu county (阿克苏雅戈尔纺织有限公司), Kashgar City (喀什雅戈 尔纺织有限公司), and one in Chaohu Anhui (巢湖雅戈尔色纺科技有限公司). Youngor Group is among the major textile companies to promote the ‘company + satellite factory + cooperative’ model for material processing, according to the National Xinjiang Aid Platform. ‘Zhejiang Xinjiang Aid: Fully foster development of industries in aided areas’ (浙江援疆:全力培育受援地产业大发展), China Development Net (中国发展网), 20 July 2018, online.
183 ‘Group Overview’, Youngor Group, online.
184 ‘Product Introduction’ (产品介绍), Xinjiang Youngor Agriculture Technology Co. Ltd (新疆雅戈尔农业科技
股份有限公司), online.
185 ‘Xinjiang Aid, to the hearts of the masses’ (对口援疆,做到群众心坎上), Anhui Guoyuan Financial Holdings Group Co. Ltd (安徽国元金融控股集团有限责任公司), 26 July 2018, online.
49

186 ‘Huafu Top Dyed Melange Yarn Co., Ltd.(002042.SZ)’, Research in China, online.
187 Huafu (address NO.1088 RENMIN ZHONG ROAD, JINGJI KAIFA SECTION 215600, SHANYU) is listed in H&M’s supplier factory list. ‘Our supplier factory list’, H&M Group, online; the address belongs to Huafu Top Dyed Melange Yarn Co. Ltd , according to the company’s stock report, online; ‘The delegation of Long An province paid a working visit to Huafu Industry Co., Ltd in Shaoxing City, Zhejiang Province, China’, Long An Portal,
27 September 2019, online.
188 ‘Mini-interview with a listed company—Huafu Fashion: How the world’s largest dyed textile manufacturer transforms the operations of fashion retailers’ (走进上市公司微访谈——华孚时尚:全球最大色纺制造商 如何转型时尚营运商), egsea, 23 November 2017, online.
189 ‘131 Xinjiang girls came to the Songzi factory’ (松滋工厂里来了131位新疆姑娘), Hubei Province People’s Government (湖北省人民政府), 2 August 2019, online.
190 ‘Hubei Haixin Protective Products Co. Ltd’ (湖北海兴卫生用品集团有限公司), China Commodity Net, online.
191 ‘Key Figure’, Hubei Haixin Protective Products Co. Ltd (湖北海兴卫生用品集团有限公司), online.
192 ‘Uyghur Hefei-Ainur: Wishes come true 3500 kilometers away’ (维吾尔族合肥-阿依努尔:愿望实现于3500 公里之外), Chongqing First Look (重庆第一眼), 3 August 2019, online.
193 ‘Happiness is earned through struggle: girl from Pishan wants to stay in Hefei as a blue-collar worker’ ([幸福 是奋斗出来的] 皮山姑娘要留在合肥当蓝领), Tianshan Net (天山网), 19 March 2018, online.
194 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material(Hefei)Co., Ltd.’ (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公司), China LCD Network (中华液晶网), online.
195 Annual report (年度报告), Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co., Ltd (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公 司), 2018, online.
196 Annual report (年度报告), Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co., Ltd (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公 司), 2018, online.
197 ‘BOE Becomes World’s Largest Flat-Panel Display Manufacturer in 2019 as China Continues Rise to Global Market Dominance’, IHS Markit Technology, 4 June 2019, online.
198 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co. Ltd’ (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公司), online.
199 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co. Ltd’ (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公司), 51Job, online;
‘Fuying Photoelectric’ (福映光电), Boss Direct Hire (BOSS直聘), online.
200 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co., Ltd’ (翰博高新才科(合肥)股份有限公司), China LCD Network
(中华液晶网), online.
201 ‘Highbroad Advanced Material (Hefei) Co. Ltd’ (翰博高新材料(合肥)股份有限公司), China LCD Network
(中华液晶网), online.
202 William Gallagher, ‘China’s BOE set to become Apple’s second-largest OLED screen supplier in 2021’,
Apple Insider, 30 December 2019, online.
203 Apple supplier responsibility: supplier list, Apple, 2019, online.
204 ‘Xianning, Hubei, opens up a ‘green tunnel’ for Xinjiang’s organised labour export’ (咸宁为新疆籍有组织劳 务输出开辟’绿色通道’), United Front of Jingchu (荆楚统战) via Headlines Express (看点快报), 18 May 2018, online.
205 ‘Yidong Overview’ (奕东简介), Dongguan Yidong Electronic Co. Ltd (东莞市奕东电子有限公司), online.
206 ‘Collaborative customers’ (合作客户), Dongguan Yidong Electronic Co. Ltd (东莞市奕东电子有限公司), online.
207 ‘Guangdong Xinjiang Aid command enthusiastically promotes labour transfer from aided areas to mainland China’ (广东省援疆前指积极推动受援地劳动力向内地转移就业), Xinjiang Aid Bulletin (对口新疆专栏),
8 June 2018, online.
208 Please refer to Case Study 2 of this report.
209 ‘About Us’ (关于我们), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公司), online.
210 ‘Cooperative Brands’ (合作品牌), Hao Yuanpeng Clothing Co. Ltd (浩缘朋服装有限公司), online.
211 ‘Xinjiang Workers Spend Eid Qurban at their second home’ (新疆籍员工在第二故乡过古尔邦节), Zhejiang Xinjiang Aid Net (浙江援疆网), 13 August 2019, online.
212 Ningbo Aoboer Electric Appliance Co. Ltd (宁波奥博尔电器有限公司), online.
213 Liu Li (刘丽), ‘Migrant workers gain both in pockets and in minds: Awat county’s labour export system organised for transfer employment and reduction of poverty’(外出务工既鼓口袋又富脑袋 阿瓦提县组织 劳务输出整建制转移就业扶贫效果好), Xinjiang Daily (新疆日报) via Department of Agricultre and Rural Affairs of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, 27 August 2018, online.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

214 ‘Hefei Bitland Information Technology Co. Ltd’ (安徽合肥宝龙达信息技术有限公司), online.
215 The Chinese version of Bitland’s website says their cooperative partners include: Lenovo, CVTE, iFlyTek, Tsinghua Tongfang and Founder Group. The English version says Bitland’s cooperative partners include: Lenovo, Google, Haier, htc, hp, Hisense and Founder Group.’Hefei Bitland Information Technology Co. Ltd’ (安徽合肥宝龙达信息技术有限公司), online.
216 Liu Li (刘丽), ‘Migrant workers gain both in pockets and in minds: Awat county’s labour export system organised for transfer employment and reduction of poverty’(外出务工既鼓口袋又富脑袋 阿瓦提县组织 劳务输出整建制转移就业扶贫效果好), Xinjiang Daily (新疆日报) via Department of Agricultre and Rural Affairs of Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, 27 August 2018, online.
217 Sichuan Mianyang Jingweida Technology Co. Ltd (四川绵阳经纬达科技有限公司), online.
218 ‘Mianyang takes Dongyang Hengdian as an example and is becoming a new magnetic materials base’ (绵阳
以东阳横店为榜样 正在成为新生磁材基地), Tencent, online.
219 ‘Bosch, Valeo Autopilot technology debuts at CES Exhibition, cooperating closely with Sunlord Electronics and Jingweida’(博世、法雷奥自动驾驶技术亮相CES展顺络、经纬达已与其密切合作), 2016 Exciting Ideas Blog (2016精彩概念股的博客) via Sina Blogs (新浪博客), 21 February 2019, online.
220 ‘Xinjiang Aid in prospering employment, broadening farmers’ income sources (Xinjiang Aid highlights)’ (就业援疆兴劳务 拓宽农民增收路(援疆亮点)), People Net (人民网), 19 November 2019, online.
221 ‘About Us’, Fujian Meike Leisure Sports Goods Co. Ltd (美克国际控股有限公司), online.
222 Chen Chen (陈晨), ‘First 46 graduates of Payziwat Vocational School head to Fujian for employment’ (伽师县 职校首批46名毕业生赴福建就业), Kashgar Government Information Net (喀什政府信息网), 13 April 2018, online.
223 ‘Highest salary over 5000 yuan, a year of 30,000 yuan of savings! Payziwat students’ trip to mainland China for employment yields obvious results’ (最高工资超5000元,一年存款3万!伽师学子赴内地就业显成效), Foshan News (佛山新闻网), 25 April 2019, online.
224 ‘Fujian Zhaoxing Outdoor Gears Co. Ltd’ (福建兆兴户外用品有限公司), ECommerce Global Companies Database (网商汇全球企业库), online.
225 ‘Xinjiang Aid in prospering employment, broadening farmers’ income sources (Xinjiang Aid highlights)’ (就业 援疆兴劳务 拓宽农民增收路(援疆亮点), People Net (人民网), 19 November 2019, online.
226 ‘Yilong Textile Co. Ltd.’, Made-in-China, online.
227 ‘Henan aids Hami City, Xinjiang in advancing poverty alleviation’ (河南援疆助力哈密 固提升脱贫攻坚),
Hami City Party Building Net (哈密市党建网), 6 September 2019, online.
228 ‘Xinjiang Aid front command actively assists in expanding transfer employment in aided regions’ (援疆省市
前方指挥部积极助推受援地开展转移就业工作), Xinjiang Aid Bulletin (对口新疆专栏), 10 April 2018, online.
229 ‘About Haoxiangni’, Haoxiangni Health Food Co. Ltd (好想你健康食品股份有限公司), online.
230 ‘Henan aids Hami City, Xinjiang in advancing poverty alleviation’ (河南援疆助力哈密 固提升脱贫攻坚), Hami City Party Building Net (哈密市党建网), 6 September 2019, online.
231 Jamie Condliffe, ‘Foxconn Is Under Scrutiny for Worker Conditions. It’s Not the First Time.’, The New York Times, 11 June 2018, online.
232 ‘Dell Technologies’, May 2019, online.
233 Aamir Siddiqui, ‘Foxconn, manufacturer of the Google Pixel 3, Nokia 9, and many other devices, is scaling back its mobile business’, xda developers, 4 April 2019, online.
234 Waqar Jamshed, ‘US device vendors to bear brunt of tariff increase, analysts say’, S&P Global Market Intelligence, 24 May 2019. online.
235 Mathieu Duchâte, ‘Huawei’s 5G Supply Chain: Taiwan Winning Twice?’, Institut Montaigne, 29 October 2019, online; Kathrin Hille, ‘Foxconn: why the world’s tech factory faces its biggest tests’, Financial Times,
10 June 2019, online.
236 Neer Varshney, ‘iPhone Maker Foxconn Makes Masks For Chinese Employees, Forces Them To Return To Work’, Benzinga via Yahoo Finance, 7 February 2020, online.
237 Kana Inagaki, ‘Nintendo Switch to be made in Vietnam’, Financial Times, 9 July 2019, online.
238 Matthew Allard, ‘Foxconn 8K TV – BIRTV 2018’, NewsShooter, 26 August 2018, online.
239 Aamir Siddiqui, ‘Foxconn, manufacturer of the Google Pixel 3, Nokia 9, and many other devices, is scaling back its mobile business’, XDA Developers, 4 April 2019, online.
240 ‘Demystifying Zhengzhou’s Apple City: Half of the world’s iPhones are made here’ (揭秘郑州苹果城:全球一 半iPhone产自这里), Tencent Technology (腾讯科技), 18 September 2017, online.
51

241 Foxconn, online; Aamir Siddiqui, ‘Foxconn, manufacturer of the Google Pixel 3, Nokia 9, and many other devices, is scaling back its mobile business’.
242 ‘59 rural surplus labourers from Yining county head to Huai’an City, Jiangsu, to work’ (伊宁县59名农村富余 劳动力前往江苏淮安市务工), China Xinjiang (中国新疆), 1 November 2018, online.
243 ‘About Jianhua’, Jianhua Construction Materials, online.
244 Rongwei company’s “Qapqal Workshop” has enabled 433 Xinjiang migrant workers to work in Funing’ (荣威 公司“察布查尔车间”已让433名新疆籍务工者在阜宁就业), Jiangsu China Net (中国江苏网), Sina (新浪网), 4 March 2020, online.
245 Bestway (Jiangsu) Recreation Corp. (江苏荣威娱乐用品有限公司), qcc.com, no date, online; Xu Huaming visited Bestway Global Holding Inc. in Shanghai’ (徐华明在沪拜访荣威国际公司), Information Centre (信息 中心), Funing County People’s Government (阜宁县人民政府), 21 November 2018, online.
246 Bestway Global Holdings, online.
247 ‘Inside China’s push to turn Muslim minorities into an army of workers’, Chris Buckley and Austin Ramzy,
The New York Times, 30 December 2019, online.
248 ‘Wujin, Jiangsu’s Xinjiang Aid team: Cleverly Doing ‘Addition’ Sprint in Final Year’ (武进援疆工作组:巧做’加
法’冲刺收官年), Wujin Party Building Net (武进党建网), 29 July 2019, online.
249 ‘AcBel Overview’, AcBel Polytech Inc, online.
250 ‘Global Operations’, AcBel Polytech Inc, online.
251 ‘‘Five and Five Strong’ promotion of employment and poverty reduction in Xiate Town’ (夏特乡’五抓五强’ 全力推进就业扶贫), Yili Party Building (伊犁党建), 15 October 2019, online.
252 ‘Wujin, Jiangsu’s Xinjiang Aid team: Cleverly Doing ‘Addition’ Sprint in Final Year’ (武进援疆工作组:巧做’加 法’冲刺收官年), Wujin Party Building Net (武进党建网), 29 July 2019, online.
253 ‘Company Overview’, Avary Holding, online.
254 ‘236 farmers walk out of the Tengri Tagh | First batch of workers transferred in 2019 go from Nilka county to Graphene Town’ (236名农牧民走出天山丨2019年首批尼勒克县转移就业人员到达石墨烯小镇), Graphene Town Updates (石墨烯小镇动态), 12 March 2019, online.
255 ‘Company Overview’ (公司简介), Tanyuan Technology Co. Ltd (碳元科技股份有限公司), online.
256 ‘Rizhao Xinjiang Aid’ special report (part 2) | ‘Yellow Sea’ sending love’ (‘日照援疆’特别报道(下)|’黄海’深情
寄’瀚海’), Rizhao News Net (日照新闻网), 17 December 2019, online.
257 Jinan Gude Electronics Device Co. Ltd’ (济南固锝电子器件有限公司), 51Semicon, online.
258 ‘High-level promotion, united collaboration, Kashgar Prefecture Winter Youth Education and Training is in full swing’ (高位推动 通力协作 喀什地区冬季青年教育培训工作如火如荼), Kashgar Zero Distance (喀什零距离) via Free WeChat (自由微信), 17 February 2017, online.
259 ‘Qingdao Gaochang Electronic Co. Ltd’ (青岛高广电子有限公司), Company Directory (企业大全), online.
260 ‘Shandong Ruyi’s 2 billion RMB textiles production program begins in Shihezi Development Zone’
(山东如意20亿元纺织产业项目落户石河子开发区), Finance World (金融界), 7 July 2010, online.
261 ‘Shandong industries Xinjiang Aid progress show obvious results in employment’ (山东产业援疆促进就业
成效明显), Xinjiang Aid Bulletin (对口新疆专栏), 25 November 2019, online.
262 ‘Shandong Ruyi Bonds Tumble After S&P Withdraws Rating’, Business of Fashion, 6 December 2019, online.
263 ‘Shandong “Ruyi” makes the people of Kashgar, Xinjiang, happy’ (山东“如意”让新疆喀什百姓称心如意), People Net (人民网), 17 December 2018, online.
264 George Arnett, ‘What is happening at the LVMH of China?’, Vogue Business, 3 January 2020, online.
265 Vinicy Chan, ‘Chinese luxury firm closes long-delayed $2 billion Lycra deal’, Bloomberg, 1 February 2019, online.
266 ‘Shandong industries Xinjiang Aid progress show obvious results in employment’ (山东产业援疆促进就业 成效明显), Xinjiang Aid Bulletin (对口新疆专栏), 25 November 2019, online.
267 ‘[Jiangsu Shandong] Jiangsu Guotai Guosheng Co. Ltd’ ([江苏山东]江苏国泰国盛实业有限公司), Graduates Job Site (应届生求职网), 26 February 2019, online.
268 ‘*Introducing our Mill of The Month for May!*’, Texworld USA via Facebook, 24 May 2018, online.
269 ‘Jining aids Kashgar Prefecture’s Yengisar county, Guli’s dream comes true here’ (济宁援建喀什地区英吉沙
县 古丽的梦在这里实现), Shandong Nightly News (齐鲁晚报) via Google Cache, 23 August 2019, online.
270 ‘Shandong Jianhua Zhongxing Glove Co. Ltd’ (山东建华中兴手套股份有限公司), online.
271 ‘Company introduction’ (企业简介), Shandong Jianhua Zhongxing Glove Co. Ltd (山东建华中兴手套股份有 限公司), online.
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Policy Brief: Uyghurs for sale: ‘Re-education, forced labour and surveillance beyond Xinjiang

272 ‘Shanghai Xinjiang Aid exhibits needlework vocational and skills training’ (送岗先送技术上海援疆开展’女 红’职业技能培训), Xinjiang Aid Bulletin (对口援疆专栏), 12 October 2019, online.
273 ‘Headline | Shanghai Xinjiang Aid “Kargilik needlework” skills training deep in rural towns’ (头条 ∣ 上海援疆’ 叶城女红’技能培训深入农村), Peng Pai (澎湃), 25 January 2019, online.
274 ‘Shanghai Xinjiang Aid exhibits needlework vocational and skills training’ (送岗先送技术上海援疆开展’女 红’职业技能培训), Xinjiang Aid Bulletin (对口援疆专栏), 12 October 2019, online.
275 ‘Yecheng county Xiaoxiang Textile Co. Ltd’ (叶城潇湘纺织有限公司), Worry-free future jobs (前程无忧), online.
276 ‘Yecheng county Xiaoxiang Textile Co. Ltd’ (叶城潇湘纺织有限公司), Worry-free future jobs (前程无忧), online.
277 ‘The First Silk Road Culture Winter and Spring Clothing Festival’ (首届丝路文化冬春服装节 叶城参展企业 喜事多), Kargilik People’s Government Net (叶城人民政府网), 23 January 2019, online.
278 Dong Wenhui (董文慧), ‘Xinjiang Shule county Jifa Garment Industry Park project signing ceremony held’ (新疆疏勒县即发服装服饰产业园项目签约仪式举行), China News (中新网), 13 May 2017, online.
279 ‘National Xinjiang Aid Platform Interviews Yang Guoqiang, Head of Shandong Xinjiang Aid and Deputy Secretary of Xinjiang Kashgar Party’ (国家援疆新闻平台专访山东省援疆总指挥、新疆喀什地委副书记杨 国强), China Development Net (中国发展网), 27 April 2018, online.
280 ‘International Market’ (国际市场), Jifa Group (即发集团), online.
281 Qingdao Jifa Group Co. Ltd CEO Chen Yulan(青岛即发集团控股有限公司董事长陈玉兰), Qingdao News Net
(青岛新闻网), online.
282 ‘“Five and Five Strong” promotion of employment and poverty reduction in Xiate Town’ (夏特乡’五抓五强’
全力推进就业扶贫), Yili Party Building (伊犁党建), 15 October 2019, online.
283 Eva Dou, Chao Deng, ‘Western Companies Get Tangled in China’s Muslim Clampdown’, The Wall Street
Journal, 16 May 2019, online.
284 ‘Global Presence’ (环球业务网络), Esquel Group (溢达纺织有限公司), online.
285 ‘Esquel Major Customers’, Esquel Group (溢达纺织有限公司), January 2019, online.
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